English Translation Of German Military Analysis Of Peak Oil

August 31, 2011 at 7:50 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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Complete English Translation Of German Military
Analysis Of Peak Oil Now Available

By Rick Munroe

http://www.countercurrents.org/munroe310811.htm

31 August, 2011

Energy Bulletin

Last week the Bundeswehr posted an
English version (112 pgs) of their extraordinary analysis of peak oil. The original German document (125 pgs) was
approved for public release last November, yet neither the complete German
version nor the partial English translation has attracted interest
from mainstream media.

Now that a complete translation is
available, it is hoped that media throughout the English-speaking world will
see the Bundeswehr study for what it is: a comprehensive, realistic analysis of
one of the most formidable challenges of this century, the (potentially
imminent) peaking of global oil production.

The tone of the Bundeswehr document
is consistent with written warnings issued by other military analysts and stands in
stark contrast to the disinterest of elected officials, bureaucrats and
industry officials. The latter sectors have routinely dismissed the concerns of
peak oil analysts, but this thoroughly sourced examination (which was conducted
by a team of highly credible military analysts from a leading Western nation
and approved by their top brass) gives credence to the view that the peaking of
global oil production constitutes a threat which appears to be as serious as it
is inevitable.

It is hoped that mainstream media,
government officials and civic leaders will now examine this unique study,
noting especially the credibility of its authors and the gravity of their
warnings. The fact that the Bundeswehr has made the effort to provide an
English translation is the latest indication that rather than concealing this
worrisome information, the German military continues to make every effort to
provide it to a world which urgently needs to consider it.

As the Bundeswehr analysts politely
point out, there seems to be an instinctive refusal to acknowledge our
unprecedented dilemma (which perhaps explains why their study remains so
ignored):

Gaining
an illustrative picture of a subject is very much a matter of habit. When
considering the consequences of peak oil, no everyday experiences and only few
historical parallels are at hand. It is therefore difficult to imagine how
significant the effects of being gradually deprived of one of our
civilisation’s most important energy sources will be. Psychological barriers
cause indisputable facts to be blanked out and lead to almost instinctively
refusing to look into this difficult subject in detail.

Peak oil, however, is unavoidable
(p. 91).

Thanks to the Bundeswehr Future
Analysis team for their thorough & insightful study. Credit also to their
superior officers for releasing such a potentially controversial document and
for now providing a complete translation.

Finally, thanks to researcher Johan
Landgren in Sweden for alerting us to the new translation of this unprecedented
document.

Download the English version of the
report here.

http://www.energybulletin.net/sites/default/files/Peak%20Oil_Study%20EN.pdf

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The US military is making Iraqi children sick

August 30, 2011 at 12:41 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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The US military is making Iraqi children sick

By Falah Alwan, president of the FWCUI

August 27, 2011

We have a catastrophic situation in Haweeja, near Kirkuk.

There is an American munitions training centre in the province and the local people are suffering from living near the weapons testing. 412 children are suffering from radiation sickness. The FWCUI recently participated in a delegation organised by the Organisation for Women’s Freedom in Iraq (OWFI) to meet local residents and discuss the issues.

There are hundreds of people with illnesses, including cancer.

People cannot afford proper medical treatment; FWCUI and OWFI are demanding that the weapons testing stops, that the site is cleaned up and that people are given access to the medical treatment they need.

Yeni ERDOĞAN Hükümeti ve Türkmenler, Mahir Nakip

August 28, 2011 at 1:59 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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Yeni ERDOĞAN Hükümeti ve Türkmenler
Mahir Nakip

mnakip@yahoo.com

Bugünden Düne Bakış
2003 yılında iktidara gelen AK Parti, son seçimlerde toplam oyların %50’sini alarak daha güçlü bir şekilde üçüncü hükümetini kurdu. Herkes tarafından “olağan” kabul edilen ve alkışlanan bu başarı Ortadoğu’da ve bilhassa Arap âleminde büyük sevinçle karşılandı. Bunun sebebi açıktır. Kendi despot ve eskiyen yönetimlerinden usanan Arap halkı, ümitlerini istikrarlı Türkiye Cumhuriyetine bağlamışlardır. Yönetimlerine karşı ayaklanan Arap ülkeleri artık Türkiye’yi örnek göstermektedir. Hele Filistin meselesinde İsrail’e karşı Sayın Erdoğan’ın duruşu hem Arap halkı hem de Arap medyası tarafından yürekten alkışlanmaktadır. Sayın Davutoğlu’nun mekik diplomasisi ve iyi niyetli teşebbüsleri sadece Arapların değil, dünyanın dikkatini çekmektedir. Bu sevinci, Irak’ın ayrılmaz bir parçası olan Türkmenler de duyarak, geleceğe daha umutla bakmaya başlamışlardır. Çünkü her zaman Irak Türkleri huzurlarını, Türkiye’nin gücünde, istikrarında ve başarısında bulmuşlardır. Doğrusu Türk toplulukları içerisinde hiçbir cemaat kendisini Türkmenler kadar Türkiye’ye bağlı hissetmemiştir. Bu bağlanış, bir aczin değil, bir samimiyetin ve mensubiyet ruhunun mahsulü olup, Türkiye’nin cümle siyasî yelpazesinde bilinir ve sanırım takdirle karşılanır.

Hatırlanacağı üzere, Birinci Ak Parti Hükümeti tarafından hazırlanan 1 Mart Tezkeresi Meclis’te kalınca Türkiye, Irak’taki soydaşlarına öncelik vermişti. Çünkü savaş öncesinde, hiç bir askerî, malî ve siyasî gücü olmayan Türkmen siyasî örgütleri, Türk ordusunun Irak’a girmesi gerektiğini deklere eden yegâne Iraklı siyasî grup olmuştur. Ayrıca 2002 Irak muhalefetinin Londra toplantısında (içinde 3 ayrı Türkmen siyasî cemaati olduğu halde) Irak Türkmen Cephesi hariç, bütün Irak Siyasî grupları Erbil, Süleymaniye ve Duhok’u “Kürdistan” bölgesi olarak kabul etmiştir. Cephe’nin böyle münferit ve bir o kadar tehlikeli karar almasının yegâne sebebi, Türkiye’nin bu istikametteki irade beyanı olmuştur. Böylece büyük bir risk alan Irak Türkmen Cephesi, onun bedelini hâlâ ödemektedir.

2003-2006 yılları arasında Türkiye’nin Irak politikasında Türkmenlerin ön sıralarda olduğunu görüyoruz. ABD’nin Irak’a girmesinden ve Peşmerge kuvvetlerinin Kerkük’ü işgal etmesinden sonra Türkiye’nin Irak Türkleriyle yakından ilgilendiğini, hatta bazı gazete yazarları, Irak siyasetimizin tamamen Türkmen eksenli olduğunu yazmışlardı. Irak Anayasasının 140. Maddesi gereği 31 Aralık 2007 tarihinde yapılması planlanan referandumun gerçekleşmemesinde Türkiye’nin rolü büyük olmuştu. Kürt siyasetinin mimarları, Türkiye’nin iradesini kulak ardı ederek Kerkük sorununun çözülemeyeceğini artık idrak etmişlerdir.

Durum Göründüğü Gibidir
Buna rağmen Türkiye’nin Türkmenleri en yoğun önemsediği zamanda bile bu ilginin derecesi, İran’ın Şii Iraklılarla ya da ABD’nin Iraklı Kürtlerle ilgilendiği kadar olmamıştır. Tabii ki Türkiye İran gibi ideolojik davranan bir ülke olamaz. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti, tarihi boyunca dış politikası şeffaf, zararsız, barışçı ve iyi niyetli; içi neyse dışı da o olan bir yol izlemiştir. Sayın Davutoğlu’nun Bakanlığı devralmasından sonra Türkiye’nin ve klasik-muhafazakâr hariciye zihniyetinin ezberini bozacak ölçüde aktif ve atak siyaseti kısa sürede Türkiye’nin yıldızını parlatmış ve danışılan bir ülke konumuna yükseltmiştir. Ancak her nedense bu ataklık ve aktiflik Irak’ta yaşayan Türkmenleri pek kapsam alanına almamıştır. Türkiye’nin Türkmen politikası genelde çekingen, arka sıralarda, geçici, temelsiz, nisbî, marjinal ve dalgalı olurken, siyasetçilerden çok bürokratlara bırakılmıştır. Bu geçmişte de böyle olmuş bugün de aynıdır. Türkiye’de birçok insan bunu doğal karşılamakta ve Türkmenlerin, birinci gündem maddesi olmalarının imkânsızlığından söz etmektedir.

2007’den sonra Irak’taki (biraz da Türkiye’nin içindeki) gelişmeler, Türkiye’nin Kuzey Irak konusunda siyaset değiştirmesine sebep olmuştur. Türkiye 2008 yılına kadar pür Irak eksenli, bütüncül ve Kürt yönetimi ile Bağdat üzerinden ilişki kurma politikası izlerken, bugün Erbil’de bir konsolosluk açarak bu bölgeyle doğrudan ilişki kurma siyaseti izlemeyi tercih etmektedir. Nitekim bu bölgeyle ticarî ilişkilerimiz bir hayli gelişmiş, Sayın Başbakanımız ve diğer bakanlarımız Erbil’i ziyaret etmişlerdir. Ayrıca hiçbir taviz talep etmeden ya da karşılık beklemeden Erbil ve Süleymaniye’ye hava uçuşları çok önceleri sağlanmıştır. Yani, Kürt bölgesi artık Bağdat üzerinden değil, İstanbul üzerinden dünya ile ilişki kurabilmektedir.
Türkmen siyasî grupları bu açılımdan büyük bir rahatsızlık duydukları söylenemez. Her ne kadar bu açılımın Türkmenlere bir faydası olmamışsa, bir zararı da yoktur denilebilir. Ancak bu açılım Türkmenlerde bir dışlanma ve giderek formül dışı kalma hissi yarattığı da bir gerçektir. Erbil ve Süleymaniye Türk firmalarının katkılarıyla süratle imara kavuşarak, bir cazibe merkezi olmaya yüz tutmakta ve doğrudan dünya ile bağlantısını kurabilmekteyken; Kerkük, Telafer ve Tuzhurmatu gibi Türkmen şehir ve kasabaları canlı bombalarla, çocuk kaçırma eylemleriyle, işsizlikle, göçle, susuzluk ve elektriksizlikle boğuşmaktadır. Buna ilaveten Türkiye’nin Sayın Başbakanı ve Bakanları tarafından Erbil ziyaret edilirken, Kerkük ve Telafer gibi Türkmen şehirleri ziyaret edilmemektedir. Bunların hepsi Türkmenlerin içinde burukluk yaratmakta ve sorgulanmaktadır. Sıraladığımız bazı meseleler Irak’ın iç meseleleri gibi görünebilir. Ama Kürt Yönetimi isterse bu sorunlar zamana yayılarak pekâlâ çözülebilir. Çünkü Kerkük, Diyale ve Musul ilçelerinin asayişinden büyük ölçüde Peşmerge kuvvetleri sorumludur. Bu şehirlerde ekonomik hayat tamamen olmasa büyük ekseriyetle Kürt işadamları tarafından yönetilmektedir. Kürt yönetiminin şah damarı Türkiye’den geçtiğine göre, bazı sorunlar, Türkiye’nin bir temennisi ile hallolabilecek niteliktedir.
Bilindiği gibi Türkiye’nin Türkmen politikası ile Kürt politikasını birbirine yaklaştırmak isteyenler çoktur. “Türkiye, Kürtlerin ve Türkmenlerin barış ve huzur içinde bir arada yaşadıkları, birbirleriyle entegre oldukları bir Kuzey Irak savunmalıdır ” diyenlerin yanında, “Türkiye’nin Irak politikası, bu nedenle, Türkmenlerin haklarını güvence altına alacak biçimde “Kürt eksenli” olmak zorunda ” diyerek daha ileri gidenler de var. Bunlar hepsi kaale alınabilir. Hatta bunun bir devamı olarak, nasıl ki her fırsatta Iraklı Arap siyasetçileri Erbil’e gidip Barzani’yi ziyaret ederek görüşebiliyorlarsa, Türkmenler de aynı şekilde bir heyet kurarak böyle bir görüşme yapabilirler. Zaten aralarında siyasî görüşmelerin olmadığı bir tek Türkmenlerle Kürtler kaldı diyebiliriz. Ancak bunun sebeplerini iyi irdeleyip doğru teşhis etmek lazım. Eğer bir açılım olacaksa bu açılımı güçlü taraf başlatmalıdır. Bugün Irak’ta Kürtler güçlüleri, Türkmenler de güçlü olmayanları temsil etmektedir. En azından Kerkük gibi bir şehri adeta işgal edeceksiniz ve Türkmenlerin arazileri üzerine kanunsuz inşaat yapacaksınız, Kerkük’ün Kürdistan’ın kalbi olduğunu söyleyeceksiniz sonra Türkmenlerin diğer Iraklı siyasî gruplar gibi size gelmesini bekleyeceksiniz. Buna, “zalimin mazlumu ayağına getirmeye mecbur ve mahkûm etmesi” denir. Ayrıca her ne kadar Türkmenler mağdur ve zayıf, Kürtler baskın ve güçlü olursa olsun, şartların eşit olduğu varsayılmalıdır. İşte denklemdeki bu eşitliği, Türkiye’nin dışında hiçbir güç sağlayamaz. Bu misyonu ne bir asır Türkmenleri Araplaştırmak isteyen Sünni Araplar, ne de İran eksenli siyaset yürüten Şiiler üstlenir.
Türkmenlerin Çözülmeyen Meseleleri
Türkmenlerin 2003 yılından beri kendi başlarına üstesinden gelemedikleri 3 siyasî ve 3 siyaset dışı ana sorunları bulunmaktadır.

1. Arap ve Kürtlerden sonra üçüncü millet olarak kabul edilmeleri ve en azından Türkmenlerin yerel yoğunluk gösterdikleri bölgelerde Türkmencenin resmi dil kabul edilmesi.

2. Kerkük’ün müstakil bir bölge olması ve Türkmenlerin bu şehirde her konuda ve en azından üçte bir hakka sahip olduklarının tescili,

3. Telafer ve Tuzhurmatu’nun il olmaları.

Bu üç haklı talep 2003 yılından günümüze kadar uzanan siyasî konjonktürün bir sonucudur. Irak nüfusunun en fazla %16-18’ini oluşturan Kürtlere ikinci millet ve Kürtçeyi de ikinci resmi dil olma hakkı verilirse, Irak nüfusunun %8-10’unu oluşturan Türkmenler de aynı hakları neden istemesin? Neticede Kürt ve Türkmen nüfusunun tamamı Irak nüfusunun %30’unu oluşturmaktadır. Ancak, Türkmenlerin üçüncü millet olmalarını kabul ettirmek anayasa değişikliğini gerektiren ve gerçekleşmesi hiç de kolay olmayan bir istek olduğunu da kabul etmek gerekir. Bu haksızlık 2003 yılında yaşanan siyasî arbedenin bir sonucu olup, Anayasa taslağı hazırlanırken siyasî olarak Türkiye’nin tamamen devre dışı kalmasından kaynaklanmıştır denilebilir. Belki ileriki bir tarihte Türkmenler, siyasî, sosyal ve ekonomik yönden güçlendikten sonra ve Türkiye’nin mutlak desteğini de arkasına alabildikten sonra bu haklı ve müktesep haklarını gündeme getirebilir.

Kerkük bir sorunlar yumağı haline gelmiştir. Fiilen Kürtlerin yönetiminde ama resmen merkeze bağlı bir şehirdir. Şehre işgal maksadıyla giren yüz binlerce Kürt şehrin en iyi yerlerini ele geçirmiş durumdadır. Çarşı-Pazar şehre yerleşen (korsan) Kürt esnafı tarafından hiçbir vergi ödemeden yönetilmektedir. Buna mukabil şehrin diğer sakinleri Türkmen ve Araplar yavaş yavaş şehri terk etmektedir. Bu kesimin kısıtlı sermayesi çocuklarının kaçırılması yoluyla eritilmektedir. Enteresandır: Kerkük’te sadece Türkmenlerin çocukları kaçırılmakta, büyük fidyeler istenmekte ve hepsi de talep edilen fidyeler ödenerek çocukların kurtulması ile sonuçlanmaktadır. Hiçbir kaçırma, kaçırılanların yakalanması ile neticelenmemektedir. Belediye hizmetleri durma noktasına gelmiş su ve elektrik büyük bir sıkıntı kaynağı olmuştur. Tayinler sadece Kürtleri kapsamakta üniversite Kürtler tarafından yönetilmektedir. Yani çözüm uzadıkça Türkmen ve Araplar zayıflıyor, Kürtler ise güçleniyor.

Telafer şehri mum gibi erimekte ve şu anda Irak’ın en büyük ilçesi olduğu halde sürekli nüfus kaybeden bir hayalet şehir haline gelmek üzeredir. Bir zamanlar Telafer’den çok daha küçük birer ilçe olan Necef, Şiileri memnun etmek için, Tikrit Saddam sayesinde ve Duhok da Kürtleri razı etmek için il yapılmıştır. Sıra Telafer’in il olmasına gelince Kürtler yan çizmekte, Sünni Araplar da (Musul ili küçülür bahanesiyle) şiddetle karşı geliyorlar. Yani kimse bir Türkmen ilinin oluşmasını istemiyor. Bunun, uzun vadeli olmak üzere tek çözümü var. Telafer şehrini demografik ve ekonomik olarak güçlendirmek gerekmektedir. Yıllardır gündemde olup ama herhalde sadece Barzani’nin muhalefeti ile bir türlü yürürlüğe giremeyen Ovaköy-Telafer ikinci bir sınır kapısının açılması bu güçlendirmeyi sağlayacaktır. TİKA ve Yunus Emre gibi başarılı kuruluşlarımız, Afrika’nın adını duymadığımız ülkelerine yardım hizmetlerini götürebilirken, burnumuzun dibindeki Irak’a hizmet elimizi uzatamıyoruz. Yüzlerce Türk firmasının Erbil ve Süleymaniye’ye girmesine izin veren bir yönetim, TİKA ve Yunus Emre gibi insanî amaçlara hizmet eden kuruluşlarımızın da bölgeye girmesine izin vermesi sağlanmalıdır. Değil sadece Irak’ta, bütün Arap ülkelerinde itibarı bu kadar yükselen Türkiye’nin, Barzani’den talep ederek bu sorunu kolaylıkla çözebilir.

Gelelim siyaset dışı sorunlara. Aslında bu sorunlar bizce en az siyaset içi olanlar kadar önemlidir. Çünkü bunlar siyaseti besleyecek, onlara güç ve imkân temin edecek kaynaklardır.

1. Türkmen eğitimi
2. Türkmenlerin ekonomik durumu
3. Sivil ve medya kuruşluların güçlendirilmesi

Bugün Irak’ta dağınık, disiplinsiz ve verimsiz de olsa bir Türkçe eğitim sistemi vardır. Başta Kerkük olmak üzere bazı şehirlerde (Türkmence değil) Türkiye Türkçesiyle eğitim veren 11 yıllık temel eğitim veren okullar vardır. Bu eşsiz müktesebat, Türkiye’nin isteğiyle değil, Türkmenlerin mücadelesiyle elde edilmiştir. Düşünün Telafer, Kerkük, Erbil, Tuzhurmatu gibi Türkiye’den yüzlerce kilometre uzağında körpecik çocuklar gencecik delikanlılar Türkiye Türkçesiyle fizik, matematik kimya, edebiyat, tarih vs dersleri görüyor. Bu Türkiye’yi gönülden memnun edecek bir durum olmalıdır. Ancak, bu dersleri verecek öğretmenleri kim yetiştirmeli, okullarda okutulan ders müfredatını kim hazırlamalı, buralardan mezun olan öğrencilerden diğer Iraklı öğrencilerle rekabet etmeleri için ayrıcalıklarını kim sağlamalı? Elbette Türkiye. Unutmayalım Türkiye 1924-1930 yılları arasında Irak’ta soydaşlarının eğitim materyallerini hazırlayıp gönderen bir ülkedir.

Yıllardır Türkmen gençleri lisans, yüksek lisans ve doktora eğitimleri için Türkiye’ye gelirler. Ancak, bu öğrencilerin seçimleri, Türkiye’deki başarıları, geri dönüş oranları ya da dönüp de iş bulabilmeleri ciddî bir problem. Bir basit hesapla bugün en az 1000 Türkiye mezunu uzman Türkmen’in Irak’ta hizmet veriyor olması gerekmektedir. Ama manzara hiç de iç açıcı değil. Öğrencilerin seçimi bir kargaşa, başarı oranları düşük, geri dönüş oranları ise ciddî tartışma konusudur. Aralarındaki ilişkiler de bir başka yara. Bu sistem ehil ellere bırakılmalıdır.

Irak’ta Türkmen eğitimi, her şeyin kaynağıdır. Siyasette başarılı, ekonomide söz sahibi, bürokraside muteber yer almanın yolu kaliteli eğitimden geçer. Türkmen eğitimi kendi başına ya da uzman olmayan kişilere bırakılmayacak kadar önemli bir konudur.

Irak’ın son yarım asırlık tarihi içerisinde ekonomisi serbest olmamıştır. Ama buna rağmen her zaman Türkmen sermayesi ve sermayedarı olmuştur. Bu kişilerin çoğu Kerkük, Erbil ve Bağdat’ta yaşamıştır. Fakat 2003’ten sonra Şii Araplar ve Kürtler arasında çok hızlı ve kaynağı belli olmayan bir sermaye birikimi meydana gelmiştir. Bu arada orta halli kalan
Türkmen sermaye sahibi sürpriz bir sorunla karşı karşıya kalmıştır: Çocuklarının kaçırılması ve fahiş fidyelerle serbest bırakılmaları. Neticede elde-avuçta kalanı heba etmemek için bu kişiler Irak’taki mal varlıklarını satarak Türkiye’ye gelip yerleşmişlerdir. Türkmen iş adamları, Irak’ta iş yapmakta olan Türk firmaları kanalıyla olsun, Türkmen iş adamlarına krediler temin ederek olsun, giderek büyüyen Irak pazarından payını almaları sağlanmalıdır. Bu, herhalde bir talimatla değil, Sayın Başbakanımızın bir ricayla bile hallolacak bir meseledir.

Irak’ta, Türkiye’de ve dünyanın muhtelif yerlerinde onlarca Türkmen sivil kuruluşu ve medya aracı vardır. Hepsinin mali, idari ve finans sorunları bulunmaktadır. Aralarındaki koordinasyon zayıftır. Türkmen medya kuruluşları iki yılda bir araya gelerek kendi sorunlarını tartışabilmektedir. Sivil kuruluşlar ise zayıf, etkisiz, kaynaksız ve sahipsiz bir vaziyettedir. Bunların mutlaka bir platformda toplanması ve güçlendirilmesi gerekmektedir. Sivil kuruluşların güçlenmesi, toplumsal mutabakatı güçlendirir ve siyasî yapıyı besler. Hatta bazı köşe liderlerinin bile buralardan çıkmasını sağlar.

Kısacası, Türkiye, Türkmenlerin meselesini benimseyerek gündemin ilk maddeleri arasına alırsa işte o zaman Türkmenler kendi ayakları üstüne durmasını becereceklerdir. Türkmen evinin içini dizayn etmeye kalkışmak eskiden yanlış olduğu kadar, bugün de yanlıştır. Daha önemlisi Türkiye’nin Ortadoğu’da bu kadar önem ve güç kazandığı bir dönemde, bir avuç soydaşına bu hakları elde etmesi ve onlara bu çizdiğimiz açıdan bakması zor olmasa gerek. Kur’an’da buyrulduğu gibi innemel a’malü binniyyat (İşler, niyetledir).

Türkmenler Türkiyesiz Kalmamalıdır
Gelin sıdkımızı samimiyetle ortaya koyalım. Türkiye bir Türk devleti olmakla beraber, özellikle Ortadoğu’da mağdur olanlara kol-kanat gerebilmiş güçlü, sözü dinlenir ve belirleyici bir devlettir. Sınırların ötesinde silahsız, parasız, sahipsiz ve himayesiz soydaşlarını kollamak ve savunmak bir siyaset değil, bir mecburiyettir. Bugün Irak topraklarında yaşayan Türkmenler, geçmişte Çanakkale’de düşmana karşı Anadolu’yu savunmuştur. 1918 yılında İngilizler Irak’ı işgal ederken en güçlü mukavemeti Kerkük’te görmüşlerdir. Nitekim şehri işgal ettikten bir süre sonra terk etmek zorunda kalmışlardır. Ancak, takviye güçler gelince şehri tekrar teslim alabilmişlerdir. Bugün Türkmenler, Türkiye’ye bağlanmayı arzulamıyor olabilir. Ama kendi topraklarında şeref ve haysiyetle yaşamak istiyorlar. İstedikleri haklar, hak ettiklerinden fazla değildir. Ama siyasî, askerî ve malî güçleri olmadığından ve arkalarında ABD ya da İran gibi kararlı ya da dirayetli bir destekçi bulunmadığından bugün mağdur edilmektedirler. Türkiye, Irak Kürtleriyle istediği kadar yakın bir ilişki kursun. Ama Türkmenleri Irak’ın bütünü içerisinde görerek onları ihmal etmek çok olumsuz sonuçlar doğurmaktadır.

Türkmenler Türkiyesiz bırakılmamalı ve Türkiye’de sadece yanık türküleri ile anılmamalıdır. Yoksa bu türküler korkarım bir gün Türkmenlerin mezar taşı olur.

—————————————-

i Mustafa AKYOL, Kürt Sorununu Yeniden Düşünmek, Yanlış Giden Neydi? Bundan Sonra Nereye? Doğan Kitap, İstanbul, 2006, s. 193

ii Cengiz ÇANDAR, “Kürt Sorunu ve Irak’ta ‘Ezber Bozmak’…”, Dünden Bugüne Tercüman, 24 Ağustos 2005.

Kaynak: kardaşlık sayı 51

LIES AND QUOTES FROM CHENEY AND NEOCON PUNDITS

August 26, 2011 at 11:40 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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IN MY TIME LIES AND QUOTES FROM CHENEY AND NEOCON PUNDITS

 By Allen L. Roland

 

Here are some Pollyanna quotes and lies from the hoodwinked mainstream media as well as Dick (Darth Vader) Cheney, regarding the Iraq war, which deserve to be reviewed and remembered in light of the release next week of Cheney’s memoir ~ In My Time : Allen L Roland

 In light of the release next week of Dick Cheney’s memoir, In My Time, we must never forget that Cheney tried to justify illegally attacking Iraq on March 20, 2003 by using intelligence that the Chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee later labeled unsubstantiated, contradicted, or even non-existent.

 

Here’s a great example of this unindicted scoundrel at work ~ “Simply stated, there is no doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction. There is no doubt he is amassing them to use against our friends, against our allies, and against us.”

(August 26, 2002, Cheney speech in Nashville, Tenn)

 

And my all time Cheney favorites ~

 

“My belief is we will, in fact, be greeted as liberators.”  (Dick Cheney, March 16, 2003)

“I think they’re in the last throes, if you will, of the insurgency.” ~ (Dick Cheney on the growing Iraq insurgency, June 20, 2005)

And do not ever forget the Iraq War’s Pollyanna pundits who were totally sucked into Bush and Cheney’s illegal war and occupation of Iraq ~  here are two of my favorite quotes from an enclosed list of Iraq war punditry ;   “We’re all neo-cons now.”
(MSNBC’s Chris Matthews, 4/9/03)

 

“He looked like an alternatively commander in chief, rock star, movie star, and one of the guys.”
(CNN’s Lou Dobbs, on Bush’s ‘Mission Accomplished’ speech from the Deck of the USS Abraham Lincoln anchored off of San Diego 5/1/03)


Great moments in punditry

Compiled by FAIR

“Iraq Is All but Won; Now What?”
(Los Angeles Times headline, 4/10/03)

“Congress returns to Washington this week to a world very different from the one members left two weeks ago. The war in Iraq is essentially over and domestic issues are regaining attention.”
(NPR’s Bob Edwards, 4/28/03)

“Tommy Franks and the coalition forces have demonstrated the old axiom that boldness on the battlefield produces swift and relatively bloodless victory. The three-week swing through Iraq has utterly shattered skeptics’ complaints.”
(Fox News Channel’s Tony Snow, 4/13/03)

“The only people who think this wasn’t a victory are Upper Westside liberals, and a few people here in Washington.”
(Charles Krauthammer, Inside Washington, WUSA-TV, 4/19/03)

“We had controversial wars that divided the country. This war united the country and brought the military back.”
(Newsweek’s Howard Fineman–MSNBC, 5/7/03)

“We’re all neo-cons now.”
(MSNBC’s Chris Matthews, 4/9/03)

“Oh, it was breathtaking. I mean I was almost starting to think that we had become inured to everything that we’d seen of this war over the past three weeks; all this sort of saturation. And finally, when we saw that it was such a just true, genuine expression. It was reminiscent, I think, of the fall of the Berlin Wall. And just sort of that pure emotional expression, not choreographed, not stage-managed, the way so many things these days seem to be. Really breathtaking.”
(Washington Post reporter Ceci Connolly, appearing on Fox News Channel on 4/9/03, discussing the pulling down of a Saddam Hussein statue in Baghdad, an event later revealed to have been a stage-managed U.S. military PSYOPS operation–Los Angeles Times, 7/3/04)

“The war winds down, politics heats up…. Picture perfect. Part Spider-Man, part Tom Cruise, part Ronald Reagan. The president seizes the moment on an aircraft carrier in the Pacific.”
(PBS’s Gwen Ifill, 5/2/03, on George W. Bush’s “Mission Accomplished” speech ~ on carrier anchored off the coast of San Diego)

“We’re proud of our president. Americans love having a guy as president, a guy who has a little swagger, who’s physical, who’s not a complicated guy like Clinton or even like Dukakis or Mondale, all those guys, McGovern. They want a guy who’s president. Women like a guy who’s president. Check it out. The women like this war. I think we like having a hero as our president. It’s simple. We’re not like the Brits.”
(MSNBC’s Chris Matthews, 5/1/03)

“He looked like an alternatively commander in chief, rock star, movie star, and one of the guys.”
(CNN’s Lou Dobbs, on Bush’s ‘Mission Accomplished’ speech, 5/1/03)

“Why don’t the damn Democrats give the president his day? He won today. He did well today.”
(MSNBC’s Chris Matthews, 4/9/03)

“What’s he going to talk about a year from now, the fact that the war went too well and it’s over? I mean, don’t these things sort of lose their–Isn’t there a fresh date on some of these debate points?”
(MSNBC’s Chris Matthews, speaking about Howard Dean–4/9/03)

“If image is everything, how can the Democratic presidential hopefuls compete with a president fresh from a war victory?”
(CNN’s Judy Woodruff, 5/5/03)

“Now that the war in Iraq is all but over, should the people in Hollywood who opposed the president admit they were wrong?”
(Fox News Channel’s Alan Colmes, 4/25/03)

“I doubt that the journalists at the New York Times and NPR or at ABC or at CNN are going to ever admit just how wrong their negative pronouncements were over the past four weeks.”
(MSNBC’s Joe Scarborough, 4/9/03)

“This has been a tough war for commentators on the American left. To hope for defeat meant cheering for Saddam Hussein. To hope for victory meant cheering for President Bush. The toppling of Mr. Hussein, or at least a statue of him, has made their arguments even harder to defend. Liberal writers for ideologically driven magazines like The Nation and for less overtly political ones like The New Yorker did not predict a defeat, but the terrible consequences many warned of have not happened. Now liberal commentators must address the victory at hand and confront an ascendant conservative juggernaut that asserts United States might can set the world right.”
(New York Times reporter David Carr, 4/16/03)

“Some journalists, in my judgment, just can’t stand success, especially a few liberal columnists and newspapers and a few Arab reporters.”
(CNN’s Lou Dobbs, 4/14/03)

“This will be no war — there will be a fairly brief and ruthless military intervention…. The president will give an order. [The attack] will be rapid, accurate and dazzling…. It will be greeted by the majority of the Iraqi people as an emancipation. And I say, bring it on.”
(Christopher Hitchens, in a 1/28/03 debate– cited in the Observer, 3/30/03)

“I will bet you the best dinner in the gaslight district of San Diego that military action will not last more than a week. Are you willing to take that wager?”
(Fox News Channel’s Bill O’Reilly, 1/29/03)

“It won’t take weeks. You know that, professor. Our military machine will crush Iraq in a matter of days and there’s no question that it will.”
(Fox News Channel’s Bill O’Reilly, 2/10/03)

“He [Saddam Hussein] actually thought that he could stop us and win the debate worldwide. But he didn’t–he didn’t bargain on a two- or three week war. I actually thought it would be less than two weeks.”
(NBC reporter Fred Francis, Chris Matthews Show, 4/13/03)

NPR’s Mara Liasson: Where there was a debate about whether or not Iraq had these weapons of mass destruction and whether we can find it…

Brit Hume: “No, there wasn’t. Nobody seriously argued that he didn’t have them beforehand. Nobody.”
(Fox News Channel, April 6, 2003)

“Speaking to the U.N. Security Council last week, Secretary of State Colin Powell made so strong a case that Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein is in material breach of U.N. resolutions that only the duped, the dumb and the desperate could ignore it.”
(Cal Thomas, syndicated column, 2/12/03)

 

This video was recorded very early in the Iraq War with Howard Zinn ~

Hard truths and how Americans have been shielded from them.

4 minute Video:

http://www.brasschecktv.com/page/4194.html

 

So there you have it ~ Dick Cheney was and continues to be the great deceiver but

as Machiavelli wrote,” One who deceives will always find those who allow themselves to be deceived” and the mainstream press has been more than willing to perpetuate these deceptions and delay, if not bury, the truth.

 

Cheney also defiantly promised on NBC news that “there are gonna be heads exploding all over Washington,’’ after people read his book ~ but I predict that eyes will be rolling ~ for Cheney’s self serving book, co-authored by his daughter, is still masking an obvious truth. Cheney purposely lied and is still lying about Iraq in order to obscure his role in the Mossad/CIA 9/11 neo-con false flag operation as well as his on going efforts to still shift that blame to Bin Laden, AlQaeda and eventually Iraq in order to protect himself and key members of the Bush administration who would most certainly be implicated and indicted if properly investigated.

 

Take the time to watch this brief 4 minute interview on NBC News  ~ Cheney’s denial and rigid arrogance is almost breathtaking ~ particularly when justifying water boarding and torture to his interviewer. He is obviously convinced he is a patriot and his book, according to NY Times reviewer, Michiko Kakutani  is

mostly a predictable mix of spin, stonewalling, score settling and highly selective reminiscences.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/26/books/dick-cheney-tells-his-side-in-memoir-in-my-time-review.html

 

And why was Cheney the earliest and strongest advocate of torture and water boarding? Cheney was determined to use any means possible to obtain forced confessions for the so called 9/11 terrorist Attack ~ which will eventually be seen, hopefully in Cheney’s time, as a neo-con inspired CIA/Mossad assisted and treasonous controlled demolition false flag operation.


It is not necessary to bury the truth.
It is sufficient merely to delay it until nobody cares
: Napoleon Bonaparte

 

Allen L Roland

http://allenlrolandsweblog.blogspot.com

 

Freelance Alternative Press Online columnist and psychotherapist Allen L Roland is available for comments, interviews, speaking engagements and private consultations ( allen@allenroland.com

 

Allen L Roland is a practicing psychotherapist, author and lecturer who also shares a daily political and social commentary on his weblog and website allenroland.com He also guest hosts a monthly national radio show TRUTHTALK on  www.conscioustalk.net

 

 


Weblog: http://allenlrolandsweblog.blogspot.com
Website: www.allenroland.com
ONLY THE TRUTH IS REVOLUTIONARY

Hunt Oil knew KRG oil deal in disputed territory

August 25, 2011 at 4:39 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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Hunt Oil knew KRG oil deal in disputed territory

According to a State Dept. cable from Iraq, and despite the U.S. Embassy’s warnings, the oil company of a George W. Bush intelligence adviser signed a Kurdish oil deal knowing the field was in disputed territory.

Hunt Oil officials David McDonald and Mark Aertker (center left and right) survey the area around Ain Sifne in 2007 after the company signed a production sharing contract with the Kurdistan Regional Government. A new U.S. State Department cable released by Wikileaks says the area falls outside the KRG boundaries. (CHERYL DIAZ MEYER/Dallas Morning News)

Hunt Oil officials David McDonald and Mark Aertker (center left and right) survey the area around Ain Sifne in 2007 after the company signed a production sharing contract with the Kurdistan Regional Government. A new U.S. State Department cable released by Wikileaks says the area falls outside the KRG boundaries. (CHERYL DIAZ MEYER/Dallas Morning News)
By Ben Lando of Iraq Oil Report
Published August 25, 2011
 
Dallas-based Hunt Oil Co., whose owner was an adviser to President George. W. Bush and a top fundraiser, knowingly signed a production sharing contract (PSC) with Iraq’s Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) for a swath of land that lies outside the KRG’s territory and remains a flashpoint of ethnic disputes, according to a U.S. State Department cable.The cable, dated Sept. 12, 2007 and made public by Wikileaks, also detailed official warnings from the U.S. government that the contract, regardless of lease location, is legally risky due to unresolved land and oil disputes between Baghdad and the KRG – and that such a contract could further amplify conflicts between the central and regional governments.”Considerable legal ambiguity surrounds the PSC with Hunt Oil, as the districts in northern Ninewa to be explored by the company are classified as ‘disputed territories’ under the Iraqi constitution,” the cable stated. “A senior Hunt Oil manager told (a U.S. official) that northern Ninewa province has significant potential for oil production, and that this factor trumps the legal ambiguities and risks associated with the company’s PSC with the KRG.”

The Hunt contract for the Ain Sifni block, signed Sept. 8, 2007, one of seven deals that includes territory officially outside the KRG, was a crucial political and economic benchmark in the KRG oil strategy. The participation of an American company in the KRG’s oil development bolstered Kurdish claims of oil autonomy, hardened the region’s negotiating position against Baghdad, and played a role in de-railing hydrocarbon legislation that would have given badly needed legal clarity to the structure of Iraq’s oil sector.

“Their concerns about the nebulous political environment and possible eventual dissolution of their PSCs have been overridden by the prospect of huge profits – from getting first access to the choicest oil exploration fields in northern Iraq, and from establishing productive relationships with key KRG and central government officials,” the cable said. “It remains doubtful that the KRG was legally entitled to enter into a binding contract with Hunt Oil that covers oil exploration and eventual hydrocarbons production in an area (i.e. northern Ninewa province) that the KRG does not legally control. Legal considerations aside, the KRG’s actions complicates (sic.) enactment of a national hydrocarbons law.”

The KRG has signed more than 40 contracts, including recently with oil companies Hess Corp. and Marathon Oil Corp. Baghdad has declared those deals illegal, claiming that the central government has sole authority to sign oil contracts.

Such legal ambiguities might have been resolved by a suite of oil laws, which first surfaced in early 2007. That legislation, however, stalled in Parliament as leaders failed to agree on several points – including a definitive process for authorizing and signing contracts.

The political stalemate over the KRG’s oil deals began to break at the beginning of this year. Under a tenuous agreement, the KRG is now exporting crude and receiving 50 percent of those export revenues to pay the costs of the foreign companies. That deal will need to be renegotiated when cost recovery is complete, however, since Baghdad says it will not pay profits to the companies.

The conflict over oil deals is part of a larger dispute over federalism in Iraq. In their tug-of-war over the distribution of the state’s power, the central and regional governments have both claimed authority over the development of the oil sector.

By signing the Hunt deal just months after the draft oil legislation appeared, the KRG made a hard-line statement against Baghdad’s authority, which helped sour negotiations over the oil law and intensify the larger dispute over federalism.

The U.S. government, at least officially, has long maintained that the political fallout of such deals outweighed any economic opportunity. On numerous occasions since at least 2007, it has criticized the KRG deals when queried by the press or potential investors.

The Sept. 2007 Wikileaks cable detailed the U.S. government’s advice to Hunt oil, which was delivered as a mounting insurgency worked to exploit tears in the fabric of the Iraqi state: “(U.S. government) policy has discouraged companies from signing oil deals with the KRG until Iraq enacts its national hydrocarbon framework law, as such regional contracts could act as an impediment to negotiations toward a comprehensive national settlement that equitably distributes Iraq’s oil wealth.”

Despite acknowledging the potential of the deal to undermine the reconciliation of an urgent national dispute, the U.S. did not move to block Hunt from investing. And despite such warnings, Hunt Oil has been a gung-ho investor. The company’s website even refers to Kurdistan as an independent country.

“Hunt currently has continuing operations in 13 countries around the world,” the site says, listing “Kurdistan” rather than “Iraq” – and displaying the Kurdish rather than Iraqi flag – in an apparent nod to Kurdish nationalism.

Such gestures are potentially inflammatory, since the shape of the Iraqi state is a subject of contentious debate. Despite a process called for in the 2005 Constitution, there has been no resolution to the “disputed territories” just outside of the current KRG boundary, including the northern oil capital of Kirkuk and parts of Ninewa province, including Mosul. Those areas suffer from the legacy of Saddam Hussein’s regime, which perpetrated campaigns of ethnic cleansing and forced relocation to change the area’s demographics. Arabs, Kurds, and Turkomen now make competing claims on the land.

The KRG currently consists of Dohuk, Erbil and Suleimaniya provinces, according to boundaries drawn both by Iraq and the U.N. Just outside those lines, however, much of the disputed territories also fall behind a more expansive boundary of de facto KRG authority, where a largely Kurdish population looks either to the KRG itself for leadership, or else to local officials with support of the KRG’s main parties.

The U.S. Embassy in Baghdad has conducted satellite operations in such areas via provincial and regional reconstruction teams (PRTs and RRTs, respectively), which act as Washington’s eyes and ears on the ground. According to the cable, written a day after the Hunt PSC was signed, “Hunt Oil’s General Manager for Europe, Africa and the Middle East, David McDonald, told RRT Erbil’s Team Leader on September 5 that the envisioned ‘Dohuk area’ of operations under the PSC consists of the administrative districts of northern Ninewa province” – that is, within the KRG’s de facto control, but outside of its official, legal territory.

“While the land to be explored by Hunt Oil has been behind the Green Line of KRG control for many years and is occupied by a majority Kurdish population who considers itself part of Dohuk Governorate, the area falls within the legal boundaries of Ninewa province,” the cable stated. “Northern Ninewa is ‘disputed territory,’ according to the Iraqi federal constitution.”

But Arab and Turkomen Iraqi leaders see a Kurdish extension beyond the so-called “Green Line” as a land grab that would create a larger KRG autonomous zone and eventually lead to a push for Kurdish independence. In their view, the Hunt deal was especially provocative because it was premised on the KRG’s claims of legal authority over disputed territory whose status is supposed to be settled through a long-delayed process outlined in Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution.

“McDonald seemed less than fully informed about the potential ramifications of Article 140 on Hunt Oil’s negotiations with the KRG,” the cable reported.

“This is a significant opportunity that outweighs the legal ambiguity,” McDonald told the U.S. officials, according to the cable.

“Hunt Oil CEO Ray Hunt also discounted the fact that the northern Ninewa districts targeted under the PSC are not yet within the KRG’s legally defined borders,” the cable stated. “He expressed satisfaction on September 8 that his company was ‘actively participating in the establishment of the petroleum industry in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.'”

The Hunt Oil deal was a major political coup for the KRG: Hunt was a company run by a major fundraiser for the sitting U.S. president and his party, and at the time, it was also the largest private foreign oil company to sign a deal in Iraq. Moreover, the KRG had just enacted its own regional oil law, on Aug. 6, 2007. The entrance of a high-profile U.S. company was read as a vote of confidence in the KRG’s assertion of its own, independent legal regime.

The cable says the KRG oil law may have given Hunt Oil the legal cover it needed to sign the deal: “Enactment of the KRG oil law and the subsequent announcement of the deal with Hunt Oil may accelerate the signing of PSCs with other international oil companies.”

The KRG oil law gave the region primacy on oil deals in the disputed territories while restricting the central government. Article 19 of the law forbids Baghdad from “any new petroleum operations in the disputed territories” without KRG approval, until the constitutionally mandated referendum over the territories is carried out. Article 20, however, “allows the KRG to sign PSCs with foreign oil companies in disputed territories.”

Hunt’s deal was the third contract the KRG awarded for a field outside its official territory, following Houston-based Prime Natural Resources’ 2003 deal with Kurdish authorities for the Shakal block, and the Khor Mor gas field contract with the United Arab Emirates’ Dana Gas. Four deals at least partially outside the KRG territory have been signed since: Canada’s Shamaran Petroleum Corp. (Pulkhana block/Aug. 2009); Australia’s Oil Search (Taza block/Aug. 2009); Norbest, an affiliate of Russian-British firm TNK-BP (Hawler blocks/Nov. 2007); and Canada’s Longford Energy (Chia Surkh block/July 2009).

The KRG power move sent reverberations throughout Washington. Ray Hunt from 2002 until 2009 served on the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (since renamed the President’s Intelligence Advisory Board) – a span of time which included the signing of the Kurdish oil deal, which Hunt attended to personally. He’s also a member of the National Petroleum Council, an industry advisory board to the U.S. secretary of energy.

Soon after the deal, members of Congress and others questioned the ties between a foreign intelligence adviser and top fundraiser for President Bush and his party (including the $35 million George W. Bush presidential library at Southern Methodist University in Texas) and a deal that ostensibly worked against U.S. interests of a political resolution in Iraq.

Congressional hearings blamed the State Department for not doing enough to prevent or discourage the deal, and called on the White House to take action.

Hunt initially denied he or his team discussed the deal with U.S. officials prior to signing, let alone received the pro forma warning, including in a rare interview with the Wall Street Journal.

However, a Hunt official contradicted Ray Hunt’s claims in a State Department communication transmitted Sept. 6, 2007, a day after Hunt’s meeting with the RRT and prior to the signing of the PSC, which was obtained and reported by Iraq Oil Report on Oct. 12, 2007.

“Hunt is expecting to sign an exploration contract with the KRG,” the Sept. 6 communication stated. “Unlike the large players, Hunt is not looking at the entire Iraqi market. (David McDonald) also thought that it may take years to pass a national law.”

After publication of that communication, Hunt officials then confirmed the meeting. McDonald, in a statement, called it a “due diligence meeting for risk analysis and opportunity assessment in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. …We did not seek advice as to whether or not Hunt should proceed with an exploration contract, and we were never advised not to do so.”

Click here for the Wilikeaks cable (pasted below)

VZCZCXRO4961
PP RUEHBC RUEHDA RUEHDE RUEHIHL RUEHKUK
DE RUEHGB #3071/01 2550602
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 120602Z SEP 07
FM AMEMBASSY BAGHDAD
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 3336
INFO RUCNRAQ/IRAQ COLLECTIVE
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 BAGHDAD 003071

SIPDIS

SENSITIVE
SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: EPET EINV ENRG IZ
SUBJECT: HUNT OIL SIGNS AGREEMENT WITH KRG UNDER KRG OIL LAW

SENSITIVE BUT UNCLASSIFIED. NOT FOR INTERNET DISRIBUTION. PROTECT
SOURCES.

This is a Kurdistan Regional Reconstruction Team (RRT) cable.

SUMMARY
——-

¶1. (SBU) The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) recently signed a
production sharing contract (PSC) with Hunt Oil Company that covers
oil exploration and production in “the Dohuk area.” Comments by
Hunt officials indicate that the block is actually in the Ninewa
Governorate’s northern administrative districts. The PSC marks the
first oil deal signed by the KRG, following enactment of the
Kurdistan Region’s hydrocarbons law on August 6, 2007. Considerable
legal ambiguity surrounds the PSC with Hunt Oil, as the districts in
northern Ninewa to be explored by the company are classified as
“disputed territories” under the Iraqi constitution. A senior Hunt
Oil manager told RRT Erbil’s Team Leader that northern Ninewa
province has significant potential for oil production, and that this
factor trumps the legal ambiguities and risks associated with the
company’s PSC with the KRG. The oil potential of northern Iraq
continues to attract significant investor interest. Several other
international energy companies are expected to announce oil deals
with the KRG during coming weeks. Despite the KRG’s aggressive
pursuit of foreign direct investment to develop the Kurdistan
Region’s hydrocarbons production potential, KRG Prime Minister
Nechirvan reiterated the KRG’s commitment to the federal hydrocarbon
revenue sharing agreement that allocates Iraq’s oil wealth to all
Iraqis on a per capita basis. Meanwhile, senior central government
officials expressed their dismay that the KRG enacted a regional
hydrocarbons law, and that the KRG continues to pursue oil
investment from foreign companies in advance of enactment of
comprehensive national hydrocarbons legislation. [NOTE: The ability
of regional governments to sign contracts has been among the key
issues of contention during negotiation of the national hydrocarbon
law. The KRG has reluctantly agreed, at times. to refrain from
finalizing agreements in advance of a national law, but have
maintained that they would not wait indefinitely for national
legislation to be approved by the Council of Representatives. END
NOTE.]

KRG Contract with Hunt in Disputed Territory
——————————————–

¶2. (SBU) On September 8, 2007, the KRG, Hunt Oil Company, and
Impulse Energy Corporation (IEC) jointly announced they had signed a
PSC covering petroleum exploration activities “in the Dohuk area of
the Kurdistan Region.” Hunt Oil’s General Manager for Europe,
Africa and the Middle East, David McDonald, told RRT Erbil’s Team
Leader on September 5 that the envisioned “Dohuk area” of operations
under the PSC consists of the administrative districts of northern
Ninewa province. McDonald did not disclose the exact areas in
northern Ninewa to be initially targeted for exploration by Hunt Oil
but he mentioned Shekkan and Akra as areas they had visited. While
the land to be explored by Hunt Oil has been behind the Green Line
of KRG control for many years and is occupied by a majority Kurdish
population who considers itself part of Dohuk Governorate, the area
falls within the legal boundaries of Ninewa province. Northern
Ninewa is “disputed territory,” according to the Iraqi federal
constitution, and the legal boundaries of the area are eventually to
be decided by a public referendum pursuant to Article 140 of the
federal constitution.

¶3. (SBU) During discussions with RRT Erbil’s Team Leader, McDonald
seemed less than fully informed about the potential ramifications of
Article 140 on Hunt Oil’s negotiations with the KRG. He did not
express concern about the potential controversy surrounding
signature of a PSC with the KRG that covers areas of operation
currently outside the KRG’s legal control. He said, “This is a
significant opportunity that outweighs the legal ambiguity.” Hunt
Oil CEO Ray Hunt also discounted the fact that the northern Ninewa
districts targeted under the PSC are not yet within the KRG’s
legally defined borders. He expressed satisfaction on September 8
that his company was “actively participating in the establishment of
the petroleum industry in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.”

¶4. (U) Enactment of the KRG’s new oil law may have spurred
completion of the PSC with Hunt Oil. The PSC was announced shortly
after publication of the English translation of the new oil and gas
law on the KRG’s website. Before the law was enacted, only one PSC
had been signed for the Dohuk area – with DNO of Norway. That PSC
covered operations only within the legal boundaries of Dohuk
Governorate. Enactment of the KRG oil law and the subsequent
announcement of the deal with Hunt Oil may accelerate the signing of
PSCs with other international oil companies. Several are
reportedly on the verge of signing PSCs with the KRG during coming
weeks. Article 19 of the KRG law states that “the Federal
Government must not practice any new Petroleum Operations in the
disputed territories without the approval of [the KRG] until such
time as the referendum required by Article 140 of the Federal
Constitution is conducted.” Article 20, however, allows the KRG to
sign PSCs with foreign oil companies in disputed territories, based
on articles 112, 115 and 121(3) of the Federal Constitution.

Potential Bonanza Trumps Legal Ambiguity
—————————————-

¶5. (SBU) While McDonald said Hunt Oil must conduct further
assessments about the speed and scope of their operational
activities in northern Ninewa, with decisions regarding the focus of
initial seismic tests to begin “by the end of October,” he was
optimistic about the oil potential of the region. McDonald said
portions of the topography in all three districts of northern Ninewa
bode well for oil exploration. He said, “It’s like shooting fish in
a barrel.” A Hunt Oil company spokesman in Dallas said the company
will begin geological survey and seismic work by the end of 2007,
with plans to be in a position to drill an exploration well in
¶2008.

KRG Boldly Enacts Regional Hydrocarbons Law…
———————————————

¶6. (U) The KRG deal with Hunt Oil marks the first PSC signed with a
foreign oil company following KRG enactment of the Oil and Gas Law
of the Kurdistan Region on August 6, 2007. Speaking of the KRG’s
rationale in passing a controversial regional hydrocarbons law while
a draft national oil and gas law remains intensely debated, KRG
Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani told reporters on August 7,
“Successive governments in Iraq have deliberately left our oil in
the ground as an effort to keep our people [ethnic Kurds] poor and
to deny our aspirations for a better way of life. Today, with the
passage of this new Kurdistan Law in a federal Iraq, we know that
those days are gone.”

¶7. (U) While espousing the benefits of foreign direct investment in
the Kurdistan Region’s oil producing areas, Nechirvan acknowledged
federal constitution provisions that require any oil revenues
generated under the KRG’s hydrocarbons law to be shared equally with
all Iraqis. He confirmed the KRG intends to limit itself to its
constitutionally mandated share of national oil revenues, regardless
of whether the oil is sourced inside or outside the Kurdistan
Region. He said, “We will receive 17 percent of all revenues from
all oil production in all of Iraq.”

¶8. (U) KRG Minister of Natural Resources Ashti Hawrami echoed those
comments. Hawrami said on September 9, “We believe that the [KRG’s]
production-sharing agreements are the best way to move swiftly
forward and help not just the Kurds but all Iraqis.” He envisions
that the Kurdistan Region will produce one million barrels of oil
per day within five years. To achieve this goal, the KRG intends to
sign PSCs with other large international oil companies. On
September 9, Hawrami told Dow Jones, “I think we’ll be having an
announcement with a blue-chip company soon.”

While Criticizing Central Government Paralysis
——————————————— –

¶9. (SBU) Following passage of the KRG hydrocarbons law, KRG
officials recommitted themselves to the February 2007 national
hydrocarbons framework agreement. Nechirvan told RRT Erbil’s Team
Leader on August 28 that he hoped the new KRG law “would spur
movment in Baghdad” to enact a national hydrocarbons law. During
that meeting, however, Nechirvan expressed disappointment with
political developments in Baghdad and pessimism about “whether the
Sunnis and the Shi’a want to live together.” He said the KRG does
not want Iraq’s central government to “hold up development of
regional resources for another ten years.”

Arab Leaders Critical of KRG Oil Law
————————————

¶10. (U) Senior central government officials in Baghdad condemned the
oil deals signed by the KRG in advance of enactment of national
hydrocarbons legislation. Abdul Hadi al Hasani, Deputy Chairman of
the national parliament’s Energy Committee, said recently that such
contracts may be overturned by the federal government, though he
conceded that such a move could discourage potential foreign
investments in Iraq’s oil sector. Sami al Askari, a parliamentarian
and senior advisor to Prime Minister al Maliki, told reporters on
September 7 that a federal oil and gas council to be formed under
the national hydrocarbons law could decide whether to rescind the
KRG’s handful of oil contracts with foreign investors. In a
concession to the reality that foreign direct investment in Iraq’s
oil infrastructure remains both valuable and scarce, the
parliamentarians said the private firms that signed deals with the
KRG should not be blocked from winning future oil contracts in
Iraq.

COMMENT

¶11. (SBU) USG policy has discouraged companies from signing oil
deals with the KRG until Iraq enacts its national hydrocarbon
framework law, as such regional contracts could act as an impediment
to negotiations toward a comprehensive national settlement that
equitably distributes Iraq’s oil wealth. Such contracts also remain
subject to significant legal ambiguity. This has not deterred Hunt
Oil and the other handful of companies that have signed PSCs with
the KRG. Their concerns about the nebulous political environment
and possible eventual dissolution of their PSCs have been overridden
by the prospect of huge profits – from getting first access to the
choicest oil exploration fields in northern Iraq, and from
establishing productive relationships with key KRG and central
government officials. The potential pitfalls are especially acute
in cases (e.g. Hunt Oil and its junior partner IEC) where investors
will commence operations in disputed territories. It remains
doubtful that the KRG was legally entitled to enter into a binding
contract with Hunt Oil that covers oil exploration and eventual
hydrocarbons production in an area (i.e. northern Ninewa province)
that the KRG does not legally control. Legal considerations aside,
the KRG’s actions complicates enactment of a national hydrocarbons
law.
BUTENIS

http://www.iraqoilreport.com/politics/oil-policy/hunt-oil-knew-krg-oil-deal-in-disputed-territory-6108/

Irak Türklerinin, Dil, Kültür, Edebiyat varlığının dünü, bugünü

August 24, 2011 at 12:35 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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Irak Türklerinin, Dil, Kültür, Edebiyat varlığının dünü, bugünü

Araştırma

Yazan: Sadun KÖPRÜLÜ

 

Irak’ta Tarih öncelerinden yaşamakta olan, ve büyük bir çoğunluk

Oluşturan Irak Türkleri bugün Irak’ın kuzey, Güney, Batı, Doğusu

Kerkük şehri Erbil, Musul, Altunköprü, Telafer,

Tuzhurmatu,Tazehurmatu, Kifri, Diyala,

Hanekın, Vasit, Hilla, Necef, Kerbala, Bağdat, Yusufiya, Rumadi, Süleymaniye, Nasiriya, Basra ve birçok şehirlerde, ,ilçe, köylerde yaşayan Irak Türklerin

kültür, edebiyat ve sanat merkezi sayılarak, temiz kutsal toprakları olarak

(Türkmeneli) diye

Tanınmaktadır.

 

Irak Türkleri Kerkük, Musul’un batısında yer alan ve nüfusları yoğun

Olarak önemli bir yerleşim merkezilerinden Telaferden, Bağdat’ın güneybatısına

Uzanan Irak Türkleri bu topraklarda tarih öncelerinden yaşamaktadırlar.

 

Bu toprak,

yerlerimizde Musul, Erbil, Altunköprü, Tuzhurmatu, Kifri, Şebek,

Kara, Akkoyunlu, Karagol, Karakol,

Bayat, Kalender, Zengene, Kakai, Dedeler, Salihi, Bayraktar, Neftçi, Avcı, Haydarı, Köprülü Zade gibi aşiret,

Oymakları, Türk boyları, aileleri Irak’ın güney, kuzeyinde, batısında, doğusunda

Yaşadıkları yöreler gibi birçok köy, il, ilçe, kasaba, bucaklarda bulunmaktadır.

 

Irak

Türklerinin yaşadıkları topraklar büyük coğrafyayı kapsayarak, önemli petrol

Yataklarını içermektedir ve Irak’ın ekonomisinin şah damarını oluşturmaktadır.

Ayrıca Irak Türklerinin kutsal yerleri, veremli toprakları zengin, bereketli tarım arazileri

Ülkeye dehada fazla gelir elde etmektedir.

 

Irak Türklerinin ekonomik, petrol zenginlik geliri yanında, Kültür, Edebiyat, sanat

Konusu bir başka özellik taşmaktadır, Irak Türkleri tüm iktidarlar, dikta rejimlerinin soykırım, katliam, asimilasyon,

Baskı, işkencesine maruz kalarak, öz Türkçe dillerini özgürce konuşmak, öğrenmek

İçin dergi, gazete kitaplar uzun yıllar

 Yasaklanmıştır.

  Continue Reading Irak Türklerinin, Dil, Kültür, Edebiyat varlığının dünü, bugünü…

UNAMI Reports Turn a Blind Eye to Iraqi Turkmen

August 20, 2011 at 11:25 am | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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UNAMI Reports Turn a Blind Eye to Iraqi Turkmen

by Ahmed al-Hurmuzi

August 13, 2011

Believing in the rules of democracy and considering it the only way to establish social justice, the Turkmen of Iraq have always refused to resort to armed struggle as a means of obtaining cultural and human rights. Despite this, they continue to be exposed to harsh policies of marginalization and assimilation.

The participation of the United Nations was welcomed in rebuilding Iraq after the fall of the Ba’ath regime. Yet despite the establishment of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq (UNAMI), the human rights situation for Turkmen continues to deteriorate and they are almost completely ignored in the organization’s reports.

Since the occupation ofIraq, Iraq Turkmen are exposed to intimidation, killings, assassinations and kidnappings. They are marginalized both in their regional administrations and in the Iraqi government. Most of the Turkmen regions are controlled by Kurdish Peshmergas and the demography of the regions have been altered but almost all the reports of UNAMI fail to mention these violations of Turkmen human rights. Furthermore, the report considers the Turkmen a minority even though they are one of Iraq’s basıc ethnic groups and constitute a large part of the Iraqi community.

As with earlier reports, we believe that the report of  UNAMI for 2010 is written in a non-professional way and that it is biased in denying the severe violation of human rights to which the Turkmen of Iraq are frequently exposed. It appears that the UNAMI sources of information are unreliable.

UNAMI report of 2010 excludes:

Kidnappings of Turkmen in the Kerkuk region, which was also reported by the Kerkuk police in a press conference a few months ago. As a result, many of Turkmen families either flee to other Iraqi province or to out of country.

Assassination of Turkmen in Tuz Khurmatu region.

Assassination of Turkmen inNinevehprovince, particularly in the eastern part of Mosul city.

Attacks on Turkmen journalists, particularly those employed by Turkmeneli television.

The marginalization of Turkmen in administration in Kerkuk, Kifri and Khanqin regions.

The education of Turkmen being ignored by the Ministry of Education.

Suppression of activities by Turkmen civil society organizations and prevention of Turkmen political activities by the Kurdish authorities in Erbil.

Marginalization of Turkmen in the higher posts of central government such as ministries and embassies.

The demographic changes in Kerkuk region, the continued illegal settlement of Kurds in the province.

Delay in solving an estimated 40,000 property claims in Kerkuk province, most related to Turkmen.

In the last several years, SOITM regularly submits reports about violation of Turkmen human rights to the UNAMI. Unfortunately, it seems that all have been ignored by the human rights bureau of UNAMI.

We urge the United Nations Assistance Mission inIraq to:

Review its policy in writing human rights reports

Discuss our concerns with its human rights office

Publish a supplementary report about the human rights situation of the Turkmen of Iraq

——————————–

The report prepared by Ahmed al-Hurmuzi, legal advisor of SOITM

Reconciliation between Turkmen and Kurds in Iraq… Efforts are going nowhere.

August 15, 2011 at 11:25 am | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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Reconciliation between Turkmen and Kurds in Iraq… Efforts are going nowhere.

The conversation about reconciliation between Turkmen and Kurds within the domain of a united Iraq and the possibility of achieving it seems to be impossible currently. Reconciliation usually occurs between opponents who disagree for subjective and objective reasons that led to divisions and disputes reaching sometimes to the level of hostility. We have to admit that there are neither deep disputes nor any kind of conflicts between Turkmen and Kurdish people but in fact it is a political dispute between the leaders of Kurdish parties over the rights of Turkmen in general.

As it is known the dispute over interests and visions can lead to conflicts and even to a direct or indirect confrontation. After long time, opponents might reach a state of what is called by politicians as (conflict maturity) and in summary it means that both sides soon discover that there is no use of continuing the dispute and there should be a constructive dialogue between them.

As an example, the agreement between Masoud Barazani and Saddam Hussein in the seventies, and the agreement which was about to occur between Barazani, Talabani and Saddam Hussein in 1990 if it wasn’t for the second Gulf war despite  the disputes between Kurdish people and the central government at that time.

The case of Turkmen and Kurds seems to be different or it operates according to certain rules that make agreements between others possible but between them impossible.

The continuation of the crisis in political relations between Turkmen and Kurds, despite it differs in its intensity from time to time requires us to stop and look for the main reasons behind its nourishment and continuity.

Turkmen went through intellectual and doctrinal conflicts since the establishment of the Iraqi nation which neglected them. These conflicts threatened their existence and identity, and at times they were with Arabs and at other times with Kurds. Both Arabs and Kurds considered Turkmen to be the weakest side in the triangular construction ofIraqwhich is composed of Arab, Kurd and Turkmen, so sometimes they tried to embrace them and at other times they denied their rights.

Realizing this paradox and sensing the size of the crisis requires us to seek and analyse to reach a true reconciliation between Turkmen and Kurds. A reconciliation that has to start with similar Kurdish steps far from threats, violence, ignorance and attempts to impose a demographic change, as all those proved their failure over history. Kurdish strategic interests need to attract Turkmen more than others.

Reconciliation is a necessity but it requires political, intellectual and national efforts, but would the other side respond???  A question needs to be answered.

 

Ahmed Alhurmezi

Iraqi writer

MUHAMMED FUZULI (1498-1556)

August 14, 2011 at 1:01 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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Biography

Fuzuli is one of the greatest Azeri-Turkish poets. His real name is Muhammed Süleyman Oğlu (poet’s name and patronymic) and it is generally believed that he was born around in 1495 or 1498 in Kerbela (in the area presently known as Iraq). We know almost nothing of the childhood and early youth of Fuzuli. He belonged to the Turkic tribe of Bayat, one of the Turcoman tribes that was scattered in all over the Middle East, Anatolia and the Caucasus from the 10th to 11th century and which has roots connected to the Azerbaijanian people. Although Fuzuli’s ancestors were of nomadic origin, his family had long been town-dwellers. At that time, the area where Fuzuli lived was a part of the Azerbaijanian Safavid Dynasty (1501-1736) headed by the leader of the Turcoman Shiites, Shah Isma’il I (r. 1502-1524).

Fuzuli was a versatile and learned man and was both ambitious to possess these qualities and proud in possessing them. He composed poetry with equal facility and elegance in Turkish, Persian and Arabic. Although his Turkish works are written in Azeri dialect, he had a thorough knowledge of both Ottoman and Chagatai Turkish literary traditions. This trilingualism was not rare among the Turkic writers of the medieval period and is explainable by their cultural formulation, which was based, in fact, on Arabic religious and scientific tradition and on Persian literary tradition. In Fuzuli’s case, the use of the three languages was conditioned also by his particular environment because all three tongues were in use in Iraq, which as known from history was in 16th century, first a part of the Safavid State and later in 1534 became a part of the Ottoman Empire. Fuzuli wrote in Azeri Turkish since it was his mother tongue as well as for political circumstances. Shah Ism’ail I., who conquered Baghdad in 1508, has left us a divan in Azeri Turkish. After the Ottoman conquest of Baghdad, Turkish literature acquired even greater importance in this region.

The works for which Fuzuli is famous include his melodic and sensitive rendition of the classic “Leyla and Mecnun”, which was written in Azeri-Turkish. This celebrated allegorical romance depicts the attraction of the Mecnun (the human spirit) for Leyla (divine beauty). Fuzuli is also the author of two divans (collection of poems), one in Azerbaijani Turkish, and the other in Persian. These anthologies contain examples of his most lyrical poetry, many concerned with mystical love and others lamenting the ephemeral nature of this world. His poetic expressions, characterized by sincerity, passion, and a pervading strain of melancholy, transcended the highly formalized classical Islamic literary esthetic. Fuzuli’s works influenced many poets up to the 19th century.

Poetry

Poem “Leyli and Mejnun” (excerpts)

  1. Chapters III – XII
  2. Chapters XIII – LVIII
  3. Chapters LXVIII – LXXXVII
  4. Chapters LXXXVIII – CII

Reference: Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. IV, p.367, 1980 edition,
literature.aznet.org/literature/fizuli/fizuli_en.htm

Ishaqi Again: Another Day, Another Atrocity in the Endless Iraq War

August 9, 2011 at 10:04 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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Ishaqi Again: Another Day, Another Atrocity in the Endless Iraq War

Chris Floyd

August 9, 2011

There was a raid in Ishaqi last week. Armed men crept upon the sleeping
houses in the dead of night. Armed men stirring in the darkness, in a land still
open, like a flayed wound, to violent death and chaos from every direction, many
years after the savage act of aggression that first tore the country to
pieces.

They crept toward the houses. They said nothing, gave no warning, could not
be clearly seen, did not identify themselves. “Thieves!” someone shouted.
Someone grabbed a rifle – one kept ready at hand to guard the sleeping family –
and fired a shot to scare away the raiders.

But men creeping in the darkness were not local thieves. They were soldiers
of the foreign army that still occupied the land. Foreign invaders, accompanied
by forces from the local army they had raised for the government they had built
on the mound of a million rotting corpses.

Armed to the teeth with expensive gear bought with public money from bloated
war profiteers in the invaders’ home country, the creeping men were not to be
frightened off by a rifle shot fired blindly in the darkness. They saw the flash
– and lit up the village with heavy gunfire and grenades. They called in a
helicopter gunship hovering nearby to support them against the rifle of a
villager awakened by the sound of unknown, unidentified, armed men creeping near
his house and family.

In the tumult, a 13-year-old boy began running through the garden,
frightened, confused, trying to escape the hellish metal flying all around him.
But the metal found him; it tore into his fleeing body – the body of this
scared, unarmed boy running away from the well-armed soldiers – the bullets tore
into his body and killed him in the garden where he used to play.

Continue Reading Ishaqi Again: Another Day, Another Atrocity in the Endless Iraq War…

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