Abd al-Mahdi in Tehran: Who Is Paying for This?

December 27, 2010 at 1:14 am | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment

Abd al-Mahdi in Tehran: Who Is Paying for This?

Posted by Reidar Visser on Sunday, 26 December 2010

Those who prefer to adopt a jubilant narrative on the wonderful successes of Iraq in the post-2003 period often dwell at the supposed brilliance of the new, free press in the country. Free it may well be, at least to some extent, but competent it surely isn’t.

Take its collective failure when it comes to detecting some of the serious fraud involved in the illegal multiplication of vice-presidents of the country in the past two months. When Jalal Talabani was elected as president on 11 November this year without deputies, his two previous deputies, Adel Abd al-Mahdi of ISCI and Tariq al-Hashemi of Iraqiyya automatically lost their jobs. The reason for this is simple: The transitional presidency that lasted from 2005 and 2010 and the ordinary presidency are two entirely different political institutions: The first was a powerful instrument of consociational democracy that featured significant veto powers; the second is an ornamental institution only with largely ceremonial powers and no right to veto anything. No vice-presidents were elected on 11 November because the law for electing the presidential deputies has yet to be adopted. Unlike the modalities for electing the president – which have been spelt out in the constitution and made it possible to move ahead with the election of Talabani even though this too was legally somewhat dubious since no special law for electing him had been passed – neither the number nor the powers of the vice-presidents (not to speak of the method for their election) have been hammered out in the constitution. A law on the subject is currently snaking its way through parliament, with suggestions that there may be three or four deputies to Talabani in the next cycle. Like Talabani himself they will play a symbolic role only, but as of today the law has yet to be passed.

Despite this situation, Iraqi media keep referring to Adil Abd al-Mahdi and Tariq al-Hashemi as if they were still vice-presidents! For example, in a press release after the recent visit by Abd al-Mahdi to Tehran, Iraqi media covered the event as a visit by an Iraqi vice-president, echoing the tone of the press release from Abd al-Mahdi’s own office.

وقال بيان لمكتب عبد المهدي :” ان نائب رئيس الجمهورية التقى في طهران امس رئيس جمهورية ايران الاسلامية محمود احمدي نجاد ، حيث قدم الرئيس الايراني في بداية اللقاء التهاني والتبريكات بمناسبة تشكيل الحكومة العراقية الجديدة ، معتبرا ذلك خطوة مهمة لتحقيق الامن والاستقرار في العراق والمنطقة عموما “.

Of course, the fact that his office keeps referring to Abd al-Mahdi in this way may simply be down to sheer hubris among his staff. But the failure of the Iraqi press to detect the problem is more serious and relates to a fundamental failure in understanding the nature of the political system in the country. Not least, it begs the question of who paid for the trip! It may well be that Abd al-Mahdi eventually gets elected as (ordinary) vice-president, perhaps already in a few weeks’ time. But right now, unless he has taken the oath as an ordinary deputy of parliament, he is a private citizen. In times of austerity the Iraqi electorate has the right to know whether government funds are being used to finance travel activity on the part of non-existing vice presidents or not.

Ankara’da Irak Türkmen Şehitleri Anıtı Açıldı.

December 25, 2010 at 4:09 am | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
Ankara’da Irak Türkmen Şehitleri Anıtı Açıldı.

Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığının desteğiyle ve Ankara Keçiören İlçe

Belediye Başkanı Mustafa Ak’ın katkılarıyla Irak Türkmen Şehitler Anıtı 23

Aralık 2010 Perşembe günü Cumhurbaşkanlığı Genel Sekreteri

Sn. Prof. Dr. Mustafa İsen’in katılımıyla  açıldı.
Keçiören ilçesinde bulunan Kerkük Park’ı içinde yer alan anıt 1943 yılında

Kerkük Çay Mahallesinde dünyaya gelen ressam ve heykeltıraş

Abbas Hüseyin Erenay tarafından yapılmıştır.

 Toplam üç buçuk ayda tamamlanan anıtın yüksekliği 5.70 m.

 olup ve iki mezar taşını andıran bölümlerden meydana gelmiştir. Ön kısımda

Türkmen şehitleri ile Türkmeneli bayrağını simgelenmiş arka yüzünde de Türk

boyların isimleri yer almaktadır.
Şehitler için saygı duruşuyla İstiklal Marşının okunmasıyla başlayan

 açılış töreninde Nurettin Okumuş tarafından Kuran-ı Kerim okundu.

Ardından şehitler için Fatih okundu ve protokol konuşmalarına geçildi.

 Keçiören Belediye Başkanı Mustafa Ak, Irak Türkleri Kültür ve

Yardımlaşma Derneği Genel Başkanı Mehmet Tütüncü, Büyük Birlik

 Partisi Genel Başkanı Yalçın Tokçu,

Ak Parti İstanbul Milletvekili Mehmet Müezzinoğlu ve son olarak Türkiye

Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Genel sekreteri Prof. Dr. Mustafa İsen’in

 konuşmaları takip etti.
Ankaralılarla Türkiye’de yaşayan Türkmenlerden oluşan kalabalık

 halkın katılmalarıyla Anıtın açılış töreni Türkiye Cumhuriyeti

Cumhurbaşkanlığı Genel sekreteri Prof. Dr. Mustafa İsen ile

Keçiören Belediye Başkanı Mustafa Ak tarafından coşkulu bir biçimde

Kemal Süleymanoğlu-Ankara


Iraqi Turkmen Martyrs Monument in Ankara

December 25, 2010 at 3:42 am | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment

Unveiling ceremony of Iraqi Turkmen Martyrs Monument  in Ankara 

  December 23, 2010

Photographs by : Dr. Ferid Müftü

Al-Khoei: Why We Shouldn’t Be Celebrating Iraq’s New Government: Power-Sharing Means Nothing without Reconciliation

December 23, 2010 at 1:02 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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Al-Khoei: Why We Shouldn’t Be Celebrating Iraq’s New Government: Power-Sharing Means Nothing without Reconciliation

Posted on 12/23/2010 by Juan Cole, Informed Comment

Hayder al-Khoei writes in a guest column for Informed Comment



Bickering is still very much the order of the day in Iraq. Prime Minister Nouri Maliki, who has just won a second term, may have a functioning government that enjoys the confidence of parliament, but that is no reason to celebrate. Not yet anyway. There is still a war of words (and thankfully, it remains just a war of words) over the remit of the proposed ‘National Council for Strategic Policies’, and confusion also surrounds the fate of the de-Ba’athification commission set up by the American ‘civil administrator’ of Iraq, Paul Bremer, on 16 May 2003.

Maliki must simultaneously prove he is ready to loosen his grip on power and allow for one more layer of scrutiny of the Iraqi government and also readdress the thorny issue of de-Ba’athification, which has taken an ugly sectarian overtone.

CPA Order No.1 was the first official law signed by the new US provisional government in Iraq intended to pave the way for the ‘De-Ba’athification of Iraqi society’. A year later, it became obvious that de-Ba’athification was going horribly wrong and Bremer decided to rescind the commission. Like many other Americans blunders in Iraq, it was too little too late. The commission lived on, and a new 2008 law, passed by the Iraqi parliament, created its successor, the Justice and Accountability Commission. The name may have changed, but its leadership and modus operandi certainly didn’t.

Article 7 of the Iraqi Constitution, adopted in 2005, made it crystal clear that the Ba’ath Party, under any circumstances, may not be part of political pluralism in Iraq. There is hardly any disagreement on this issue. The problem however, is that de-Ba’athification is being used as a political weapon to discredit opponents of Iraq’s new political elite. It just so happens to be a Shia-dominated elite.

Continue Reading Al-Khoei: Why We Shouldn’t Be Celebrating Iraq’s New Government: Power-Sharing Means Nothing without Reconciliation…

Israel’s media campaign in Europe, by Pascal Boniface

December 23, 2010 at 12:53 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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Tuesday, 21 December 2010

 By Pascal Boniface

 Israel’s Minister of Foreign Affairs has summoned his country’s ambassadors in European countries and given them clear instructions to make use of public relations experts to improve the image of the Zionist state in European public opinion.

The minister identified specific tasks for the diplomats to complete by 16 June at the latest. One of those tasks is to draw up a list of 1,000 people who are sympathetic to Israel from the major European capitals such as London, Berlin, Madrid and Paris, as well as other cities such as Oslo, Copenhagen and The Hague.

The purpose is to be in constant contact with these people and inform them of the Israeli positions on issues of the day, and explain its point of view. This is a public relations campaign intended to defend Israeli policy and exploit media outlets and other platforms for this purpose.

Continue Reading Israel’s media campaign in Europe, by Pascal Boniface…

Parliament Approves the Second Maliki Government

December 22, 2010 at 10:37 am | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment

Parliament Approves the Second Maliki Government

 By Reidar Visser (www.historiae.org)

21 December 2010

 In a recent press conference, Ala Makki of Iraqiyya complained that the standard of Iraqi students sent on scholarships abroad was not always as good as it should be. The problem, Makki maintained, was that the system of quota-sharing whereby ethno-sectarian groups are allotted percentages of the places available based on their proportion of the population (muhasasa) meant incompetent students were frequently sent abroad simply in order to fulfil the quota requirements.

Makki’s comments are of course eminently relevant also with respect to another process in which his own Iraqiyya is taking part these days: The enduring Iraqi government-formation saga. With the vote in Iraqi parliament today in favour of around 35 ministers that will serve in the next government of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, it seems clear that the goal of satisfying narrow party interests has taken precedence over the idea of creating governance for Iraq. Not only is this an XXL-sized and unwieldy government, there is even more to come: Several portfolios, including key security ones like defence, interior and national security, have yet to be apportioned and are held as temporary deputyships by other ministers pending their allocation to individuals. Highlihting the extent to which this is a collection of party nominees rather than a carefully crafted government team, many of the names of the nominees were presented to Maliki by the various party leaderships just 24 hours before his publication of the government, and with some of the current vacancies being caused by the failure of the various parties to present competent candidates. In those cases, a place-holder deputy has been appointed among the approved ministers, sometimes by someone from the same party that had been promised the post.

That said, from the perspective of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki of the all-Shiite National Alliance, the process has been handled quite masterfully. From a situation where both the Kurds and the secular Iraqiyya entered the negotiations with ambitious agendas, he has managed to create an end game where many from the other parties were forced to abandon their principles (or at least saw them consigned to an uncertain future), with only the thirst for power in the shape of high government office remaining. The “robust power-sharing arrangements” and checks and balances that the United States has been calling for are nowhere to be seen; instead there are simply ministers – and a whole lot of them. Signifying the extent to which Maliki has managed to turn the tables, after months of talk about the need to check his tendency of centralising his own power in the security forces, the parliament today voted by a big majority to let him personally take care of the three most important security ministries for the time being.

Continue Reading Parliament Approves the Second Maliki Government…


December 20, 2010 at 2:34 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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Ethnic and religious conflicts, power struggles and wars have determined and shaped the fate of contemporary Iraq throughout the second half of the last century and into the new millennium. These conflicts have largely prevented the collection of data and therefore healthy analysis of the country’s demography for a long while. The demographic engineering took place during the Baath regime and perhaps still in progress in the country is one key reason why the international community as well as Iraqis themselves do not know for sure what the country is made of, ethnically and religiously. Therefore all studies and reports on Iraq are based on partial data which can be controversial as there is practically no reliable population frame from which anybody can draw representative samples or test the representativeness. The two surveys forming the basis of this book/report are also not free from that potential fallacy. However, given the paucity of data and analysis from war torn Iraq, every little research helps a great deal to understand population dynamics in the country and possibly inform the national and international policy choices.

The two international migration surveys were conducted in Iraq and Turkey respectively. The one conducted in Iraq targeted Iraqi Turkmen households in major cities and towns in the North and Bagdad. The chosen areas where sizeable Turkmen populations exist were surveyed by a random sampling method employed in the field. Although 1500 households were aimed to reach, our field teams were only able to complete questionnaires in a total of 1040 households. About one third of the households were identified as migrant households where at least a member of the household is a migrant or was once a migrant. This is a far higher figure than in many traditional migrant sending countries.
The second survey was carried out almost simultaneously in major cities in Turkey, again by considering where large Turkmen immigrant communities exist. A total of 161 questionnaires were completed most of whom were randomly selected from Iraqi Turkmen Front registers while convenience sampling was used to reach respondents in Istanbul.
In line with my conflict model of migration, Iraqi Turkmen migration is following a pattern that corresponds to lows and peaks of various conflicts and degree of intensity of conflict in Iraq over the time. Turkmen’s perception of relative security in Turkey and other destination countries in comparison to relative insecurity in Iraq is the key driver in their international migration experiences. Apparently background variables such as age, gender, income, education and employment are all playing their part in the decision making. Nevertheless, the wars Iraqis have faced and suffered from during the last two or three decades drew the line between moving and not moving as well as deciding when to move. The largest portion of outmigration took place after 1990.
It was found that Turkmen is a well-educated population with a high tendency to move abroad, particularly to Turkey due to historical and cultural ties. Possibly in response to the tightening immigration admission regimes across the board, as many as 50 per cent of all Turkmen migrants crossed borders without necessary papers or overstayed their permits and visas.
This study presents a story of an unsettled minority population in Iraq and indicates high emigration pressures felt by Turkmen. Given the current uncertainty prevailing in Iraq, one would expect many more have left since our fieldwork and many more are likely to flee their homes in the future unless a multi-ethnic peace is secured in the country.



Executive Summary
Introduction: The Turkmen Question in Iraq 
Chasing the Turkmen: The Two Surveys in the Aftermath of 2003 Invasion 
International Migration Survey in Iraq 
General Characteristics of the Survey Population: Turkmen in Iraq 
Conceptualising Human Mobility in Conflict
Environment of Human Insecurity in Iraq 
Iraqi International Migration 
Iraqi Asylum Seekers 
The Future of International Migration from Iraq 
The Kirkuk Question and Human Mobility 
Turkmen Lebensraum and Emigration from Iraq 
Living Environment of Iraqi Turkmen Population 
Turkmen Households’ Cultural Characteristics 
Opinions and Attitudes Toward Migration and Migration Experiences 
Where Did They Go? How Old Were They When They Gone? 
Turkmen in Iraq Migrated Due to an Environment of Insecurity 
Migrant Characteristics 
Irregular Migration 
Information About Destinations and Composition of Migrant Groups 
The Diaspora: Turkmen Immigrants in Turkey 
Full text




Diyala ve Selahattin Gözlemleri, ORSAM

December 19, 2010 at 9:05 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
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Diyala ve Selahattin Gözlemleri
ORSAM orsam@orsam.org.tr
Ekim ve Kasım aylarında 6 kişilik ORSAM çalışma ekibi, 3 bölüm halinde Irak’ın çeşitli bölgelerinde araştırmalar yapmış, Irak’taki son duruma ilişkin gözlemler yapma imkanı bulmuştur. Bu kapsamda ORSAM Yönetici Editörü Ogün Duru ve ORSAM Ortadoğu Uzmanı Bilgay Duman Diyala ve Selahattin çalışmalar yapmıştır. Bu yazıda Ogün Duru ve Bilgay Duman tarafından yapılan gözlemlere yer verilmiştir. Continue Reading Diyala ve Selahattin Gözlemleri, ORSAM…

الجبهة التركمانية العراقية : لنا الحق في الترشيح لمنصب نائب رئيس الجمهورية

December 19, 2010 at 2:09 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment

   العدد      224

التاريخ   :  18كانون الأول 2010

الموضوع      بيان



الجبهة التركمانية العراقية : لنا الحق في الترشيح لمنصب نائب رئيس الجمهورية






كانت الجبهة التركمانية العراقية و ستبقى الجهة السياسية التي دافعت بكل قوة و إخلاص عن حقوق الشعب التركماني و العراقيين و عن وحدة العراق أرضا و شعبا و إن انتخابات مجلس النواب الأخيرة في 2010 أثبتت و بجدارة بأن الجبهة التركمانية العراقية كانت في مقدمة الكيانات السياسية التركمانية  التي حصدت أكثرية أصوات الشعب التركماني المشارك في الانتخابات و حازت على ستة مقاعد في البرلمان الجديد، و بالنتيجة فان لها الحق الشرعي في الترشيح لمنصب نائب رئيس الجمهورية وهو منصب استحقاق قومي للتركمان، و إنها خلال الأيام القليلة  المقبلة ستستعمل هذا الحق و تعلن على الملأ مرشحها للمنصب أعلاه.




الجبهة التركمانية العراقية

                                                                        الدائرة الإعلامية





العنوان: كركوك- طريق بغداد-  

قرب بناية المحافظة







                        Adres:Kerkük. Bağdat yolu. Valilik binası yanında




لماذا إلغاء العقوبات بالتسقيط؟

December 19, 2010 at 1:59 pm | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment


لماذا إلغاء العقوبات بالتسقيط؟

صباح علي الشاهر
قبل عشرين عاماً صدر القرار رقم 661 في 7ــ8ــ1990 الذي وضع العراق تحت طائلة الفصل السابع، هذا القرار الذي كان الموّلد لعشرات القرارات الأخري التي تضمنت فرض عقوبات اقتصادية شاملة، لم تستثن حتي أقلام الرصاص والدفاتر المدرسية، بعد أن فرضت حصاراً بحرياً وجوياً وبرياً شاملاً، تسابق الأبعدون والأقربون علي تنفيذ كامل بنوده بدقة وصرامة قل نظيرهما، بزعم أنهم انما يحاصرون نظاماً مارقاً اجتاح بلداً مستقلاً، عضواً في المنظمة الدولية، لكنهم في حقيقة الأمر، وكما تبين فيما بعد لأشد الناس غفلة، انهم بعقوباتهم هذه كانوا يستهدفون الشعب العراقي والوطن العراقي، الذي تفننوا في التنكيل به عبر الحصار، وعبر ما اسموه سياسة الصدمة والترويع فيما بعد.
عبثاً تقليب أوراق التأريخ، قريبه وبعيده، للبحث علي حصار شبيه بحصار العراق، اذ لم يواجه شعب من الشعوب ما واجهه هذا الشعب المُمتحن. حصار ترك آثاراً كارثية في شتي مناحي الحياة يصعب معالجتها في المدي المنظور، ويتعذر معالجة بعضها، ويستحيل معالجة البعض الآخر، كمعالجة آثار اليورانيوم المنضّب مثلاً.
حصار استثنائي بكل المقاييس، ربما لشعب استثنائي بكل المقاييس أيضاً.
حصار تجاوز الزمن المعقول، بعد تنفيذ كامل مبرارات فرضه، ليس هذا فقط، بل وحتي بعد انقضاء سبع سنوات علي سقوط السلطة التي كان يستهدفها الحصار ظاهرياً، وعلي يد الأعداء الذين فرضوا الحصار، حيث جاءوا بالسلطة التي يرتضونها، وبعد أن توضح للقاصي والداني أن ليس ثمة ما كان يستوجب استمرار الحصار حتي في ظل السلطة السابقة، حيث انسحب العراق من الكويت، وأقر ترسيم الحدود، وبدأ بتنفيذ ما عليه من تعويضات، وبعد تدمير كامل ترسانته الحربية، ليست الكيماوية والبايلوجية فقط، وانما الصاروخية، وحتي تلك التي لا علاقة لها بما يُسمي أسلحة الدمار الشامل، وبعد أن استجاب العراق لكل مطالب لجان التفتيش بما فيها التفتيش في غرف نوم الرئيس ذاته.
لم يكن الحصار يمتلك مشروعيته ولا مبرارته حتي في ظل النظام السابق، فكيف يكون الأمر بعد احتلال العراق، ووقوعه بيد العدو الرئيس له ألا وهو أمريكا، التي لم تترك شبراً من أرض العراق دون أن تفتشه، ولا تركت وثيقة رسمية أو شبه رسمية، تأريخية أو علمية، ذات جدوي أو عديمة الجدوي، دون أن تنقلها الي بلادها، أو تستنسخها في الأقل.
الآن بعد أن اصبح العراق من دونما صاروخ أو طائرة حربية، وبعد أن أصبح ليس أضعف من كل جيرانه فقط، بل أضعف حتي من أصغر دولة في العالم، الآن تقر المنظمة الدولية بأن العراق لم يعد يُشكل خطراً علي جيرانه، ولا علي السلم العالمي.
لقد أصبح العراق عاقلاً، وراشداً، مرضياً عنه من الأمين العام والعمة أمريكا، ولكن هذا علي ما يبدو لم يكن كافياً لأخراج العراق كلياً من طائلة الفصل أو البند السابع، لقد قرروا التكرم بتقسيط الأمر، ومدّه عملياً حتي عام 2016 بعد أن فوّض المجلس الأمين العام بالاحتفاظ بمبلغ 20 مليون دولار من عائدات النفط حتي كانون 2016 في حساب خاص لتغطية نفقات الأمم المتحدة ذات الصلة بانهاء الأنشطة المتبقية للبرنامج، بما في ذلك تمويل أنشطة مكتب منسق الأمم المتحدة السامي لشؤون المفقودين الكويتين وقضايا الممتلكات الكويتية، فضلاً عن ضمان الاحتفاظ بنحو 131 مليون دولار من المال الذي أصبح مُشاعاً من أجل تمويل عمل الأمم المتحدة، وممثليها ووكلائها والمتعاقدين معها لمدة ست سنوات قادمة، والمتعلقة بجميع الأنشطة ذات الصلة بالبرنامج منذ انشائه. وبهذا أبقوا سيف الفصل السابع مسلطاً علي العراق، لابتزاز أي حكومة قادمة، وأصبحنا وكما كنا مجبرين علي دفع رواتب التنابلة من ممثلي الأمم المتحدة والمتعاقدين معها. ندفع لهم لننصبهم أولياء وأوصياء علينا، وتلكم واحدة من مفارقات عدالة الأمم المتحدة التي تتفنن في طرق نهب المال العراقي. لقد أنهي القرار الأخير برنامج النفط مقابل الغذاء، الذي أقره مجلس الأمن عام 1995، والذي كان قد انتهي عملياً منذ 31-12-2007، لكن المجلس هذه المرّة وضع اللمسات الأخيرة لانهائه، وأهالة التراب عليه، وهو برنامج مثير للجدل، أثار فضائح تزكم الأنوف، عرضت نزاهة وشفافية وهيبة الأمم المتحدة لهزات عنيفة، كما أنهي الأدراة الدولية للموارد العراقية عبر صندوق تنمية العراق وايقاف ايداع عائدات العراق من النفط والغاز في هذا الصندوق بدءاً من حزيران 2011، مع استثناء 5% التي ستستقطع من العائدات العراقية لحساب صندوق التعويضات لضحايا الكويت، وبرغم ما في هذا القرار من اجحاف بحق العراق ومحاباة ظاهرة للكويت، الا انه سيمكن الحكومة العراقية من التصرف بأموال النفط مباشرة، كما يخلصها من دفع الرواتب اللصوصية لمن نصبتهم المنظمة الدولية كموظفين وعاملين في هذا الجهاز أو المؤسسة، كما رفع الحظر عن واردات العراق النووية لتنفيذ برنامج نووي سلمي، بعد أن وقع العراق علي البروتوكول الاضافي فيما يتعلق بالتفتيش الدقيق لكل ما له علاقة بالصناعة الذرية، و هذه القرارات الثلاثة تسمح بالغاء القرارات التي اتخذت بموجب الفصل السابع، الذي يسمح باللجوء الي فرض العقوبات، أو استخدام القوّة. تسمح بالغائها لكنها لم تلغها لحد الآن، وسيبقي ممثل الأمين العام للأمم المتحدة بصفة تتجاوز صفته الدبلوماسية، مما يشكل انتقاصاً واضحاً للسيادة العراقية.
لقد فُرضت العقوبات علي العراق بسرعة قياسية، وتعاقبت في فترات زمنية متقاربة ، بحيث بدا كما لو أن مجلس الأمن حينها لم يكن له من شغل شاغل سوي العراق، لكن المجلس الآن يقطر انهاء هذه العقوبات بالقطارة، بعد زوال وانتفاء مسبباتها كلياً، مما يثير علامة استفهام كبري حول مغزي هذا الفعل المتعمد، ودور أمريكا فيه.

/12/2010 Issue 3772 – Date 17

Azzaman International Newspape

جريدة (الزمان) الدولية – العدد 3772 – التاريخ 17/12/2010



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