Tags: Bendib, Israel's nukes
Tags: Agriculture in Iraq, Desertification of Iraq, Drought in Iraq, Dust storm, Euphrates, Farming in Iraq, Iraq's marshes, Sandstorms in Iraq, Shortage of Water in Iraq, Tigris
Iraq in throes of environmental catastrophe, experts say
By Liz Sly
Tags: Ouïghurs, Turkmènes
Merci beaucoup pour le lien. Nous l’avons mis sur http://sos.ouigour.fr/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=176 .
Remerciements à nos frères et soeurs Turkmènes…
Association des Ouïghours de France
Tags: Iraq reparation payments, Kuwait stealing Iraq Oil
Robert Fisk: Gulf War legacy flares as ‘stingy’ Kuwait puts the squeeze on Iraq
Oil-rich state demands billions from Baghdad as dispute over border rages
Wednesday, 29 July 2009
Kuwait is currently being as ruthless – or greedy – in its demands as it was before Saddam invaded on 2 August 1990. In the weeks before the attack, Kuwait had raised its oil production from 1.5 million barrels a day – the Opec quota – to 1.9 million. Saddam claimed that a fall of just $1 a barrel – it had already fallen from $18 to $14 – would cost Iraq, which had only two years earlier finally concluded its eight-year war with Iran, $1bn a year in lost income.
Saddam also claimed that Kuwait had been stealing oil from Iraq’s southern fields by boring northwards along their mutual frontier; in other words, Kuwait was thieving the resources of the nation whose armies saved it from Iran’s revolution.
Almost 19 years to the day after Saddam Hussein’s legions invaded Kuwait – and less than 18 years since the US coalition liberated it – the Croesus-rich emirate is still demanding reparations from Baghdad as if the dictator of Iraq was still alive. Only this week, the Kuwaitis were accusing the Iraqis of encroaching on their unmarked border while insisting at the United Nations that Iraq must continue to pay 5 per cent of its oil revenues to Kuwait as invasion reparations.
Tags: Kerkouk, Massacre des Ouïghours, Massacre des Turkmènes, Ouïghours, Turkmènes irakiens
Kerkükte’ten Dogu Türkistan’a destek!
Les représentants des Turkmènes irakiens de Turquie, de Belgique, d’Allemagne et du Royaume Uni se sont rendus à Kirkouk pour participer aux cérémonies de commémoration du 50ième anniversaire du terrible massacre des leaders turkmènes par les marxistes kurdes à Kirkouk le 14 juillet 1959.
Tags: Iraqi Turkmens, Kerkuk, Kurdish hegemony in North of Iraq, Kurds alter the demography of Kerkuk, Melik Kaylan
Comment: Melik Kaylan writes: “The Kurds flooded into Kerkuk and kept coming in the next two years until some 200,000 or more Kurds had moved into the city.”
In reality, over 600,000 Kurds, the great majority of whom were not originally from Kerkuk, have been transferred to Kerkuk since April 2003.
In order to change the demography of Kerkuk the parties of the two Kurdish warlords Barzani and Talabani have given financial incentives and false identity papers to Kurds who are not originally from Kerkuk (some were brought from Iran, Syria and Turkey) and have organized their transfer to Kerkuk.
The Kurds’ Way
Melik Kaylan, 07.28.09
Grandiose nationalism and demographic skullduggery.
The results of the elections that just took place last weekend in Iraqi Kurdistan could affect the stability of Iraq and, indeed, the entire region. The country is slowly sliding toward disaster.
These days, the issue that jeopardizes Iraqi stability more than any other–both in the short and long term–is not the threat from al-Qaida or the Sunni-Shiite split or the meddling of Iran. Those threats have faded for now. Instead it is the struggle over the fate of the city of Kerkuk that could spark a new civil war, one that could draw in Turkey, Iran and Syria. Neither of the two dominant coalition parties in Iraqi Kurdistan–the PUK and KDP–are offering to compromise with the central government in Baghdad over who rules oil-rich Kerkuk: the Kurds, or Iraq as a whole. The Kurdish elections have not altered that explosive standoff.
As things stand, the Kurdistan Regional Government, headed by President Masood Barzani, claims that the city falls within the boundaries of Iraqi Kurdistan. They are, in effect, laying claim to the control of Kerkuk’s oil wealth. Baghdad, for its part, insists that the oil revenues must be distributed to the nation through the central government. The issue was booted into the future when the Iraqi constitution was drafted in 2005: The matter was to be decided by a national census followed by a referendum in Kerkuk by 2007.
Neither has happened. The Kurds would like to have the referendum already; everyone else, including the U.S., wants the referendum postponed until all parties have agreed on some sort of formula for power-sharing. This is because everyone knows who will win the referendum: the Kurds. (A very useful book on the subject, indeed on the future of Iraq in general, is How to Get Out of Iraq With Integrity, from the University of Pennsylvania Press. The author, Professor Brendan O’Leary, is a brilliant Irishman who worked on the Good Friday Accords to settle the conflict in Northern Ireland and then helped draft the Kurdish Constitution. He’s very sympathetic to the Kurds, but nobody’s perfect.)
Everyone believes, probably correctly, that the national census will show the Kurds have a majority of inhabitants in Kerkuk. The referendum’s outcome will reflect that. But everyone also knows that the Kurds cheated. They created facts on the ground soon after the U.S. invasion and the collapse of Saddam’s northern front. The Kurds flooded into Kerkuk and kept coming in the next two years until some 200,000 or more Kurds had moved into the city. They proceeded to purge various neighborhoods of their inhabitants. Arabs in particular flooded out, and many went to nearby Mosul to join the resistance, which partly explains why that city remains a powder keg.
The Kurds took over various municipal buildings in Kerkuk and burned tons of documents, such as land deeds and ownership records. Such details were hardly reported at the time. The world’s enlightened press collectively treated the Kurds as their chosen victim du jour–until the press turned against the war. At first the Kurds were said to be merely returning to Kerkuk, their rightful home. Then the numbers grew out of proportion. Saddam had pushed them out of the city forcibly from the 1970s onward and settled Arabs in their place. But nobody knew how many had actually lived there and for how long before Saddam had purged them. The Kurds clearly didn’t want anyone to know, hence the bonfires of documents. By the time the world press decided to take a second look, it was too late. The Kurds were fully installed.
I was in and out of Iraq during those years. Some weeks before the war started, I sneaked into Iraqi Kurdistan from Turkey and over into Saddam territory with money and a camera provided by CNN. I was perhaps the only Western journalist who didn’t have a Kurdish minder in Kurdistan and was therefore privy to all manner of Kurdish shenanigans unseen and unreported by others. I even filed a story for the saintly editor of the Wall Street Journal‘s op-ed page. It was probably the only dispatch from the region in a Western newspaper that took a skeptical look at America’s valued tribal allies, particularly their leader Masood Barzani, whose family was still in cahoots with Saddam. The article predicted much of the trouble to come over Kerkuk.
There was, in the next few years, one group nobody wished to consult. This comprised the oldest inhabitants of Kerkuk, the Turkmen, whose ancient castle stood atop the central hill of Kerkuk, and whose old houses visibly testified to those who had lived there longest. But the Kurds, and the world press, had no time for the claims of the Turkmen, Iraq’s third-largest ethnic group; they were said to be Turkey’s fifth column within Kurdistan, spoilers, spies, whiners.
Nobody cared to note that this dismissal was precisely what the British had intended when they first carved out Iraq from the old Ottoman Empire after World War I. Not only did the Brits create Iraq’s borders out of thin air, they conducted a dodgy consensus to generate the results they needed. They invented a new ethnic group, the Turkmen, in order to downplay Turkey’s ethnic bonds and potential territorial claims to the region–an absurd artifice, as all Turks were Turkmen at some point in history. The Brits chose to imagine the Turkmen as tribal or nomadic, though the ones in northern Iraq were anything but. In Kerkuk, they were–and are–a highly literate, urbanized group, the Ottoman administrative class.
Ironically enough, Stalin followed this example by fragmenting the Turkic Silk Road region into pseudo-ethnic Republics, picking tribal names out of history and imposing them on newly drawn administrative zones: Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and so forth. He then invented folk histories to suit his project, forcing these histories on the inhabitants.
Saddam openly modeled himself on Stalin: He too invented a retro-identity for the Turkmen, linking their history to the Soviet Republic of that name, and proceeded to indoctrinate his Turkic citizens of northern Iraq along the same lines. Nobody cared to know any of this as the Kurds inundated Kerkuk with settlers after the U.S. invasion. I remember a thoroughly ignorant female BBC correspondent riding at night atop a Kurdish truck into Kerkuk, drunk on adventure, shouting into the camera, “The Kurds are coming back home, for Kerkuk is a Kurdish city.”
When I returned to the Kurdistan Regional Government’s capital of Erbil three or four years later, I was astonished to find that the Turkmen were increasingly complacent over their lives under the Kurds. They were relatively well treated; there was enough work and minimal hostility. Compared with the full-scale civil war burgeoning elsewhere in Iraq, Kurdistan seemed idyllic. Women attended school. They more frequently adopted Western garb. Clean-cut students learned foreign languages. New construction rose all around. Sure, the two local ruling families of Barzani and Talabani (Jalal Talabani is Iraq’s president) had a hand in virtually every political and business transaction in the Kurdish zone. Indeed, this pervasive corruption ultimately gave rise to the new opposition party calling itself “Goran,” meaning “change,” which challenged the ruling duopoly in the recent elections.
It was certainly not Switzerland. The Kurds created pro-Kurdish puppet political parties of Turkmen to whom they allotted seats in Kurdistan’s parliament. Barzani kept making bellicose noises over Kerkuk, saying that if the referendum is not “implemented then there will be a real civil war.” The government kept announcing state-to-state diplomatic relations with various foreign countries, as if Kurdistan were an independent entity and not part of Iraq at all. Meanwhile, the Kurdish area nearer to Iran still maintained cordial ties to Tehran, as it still does. When Ahmadinejad made a state visit to Baghdad, he stood on a podium with President Talabani and called him “uncle Jalal.” (Talabani had been a client of the mullahs during the Kurdish civil war in the mid-1990s when his troops fought against Barzani’s, who was, in turn, supported by Saddam.)
The U.N. has worked on the question of Kerkuk for two years and recently came up with a confidential report. Only its general outlines are publicly known. The most workable solution they suggest, the one that’s least likely to cause instant strife, is the establishment of a neutral and separate province of Kerkuk with all the parties having a share.
It’s time to give the Turkmen a safe zone of their own. They suffered under Saddam as much as anyone, and Iraq owes them redress on many levels. Furthermore, the Kurds realize that whoever controls Kerkuk’s landlocked oil must make a pipeline deal with some nearby country, whether it be Syria, Turkey or Iran. None of those countries will suffer a new and independent Kurdish state to survive, one that’s afloat in sufficient oil money to stir up trouble with their own Kurds. They will demand impossible conditions for allowing Kerkuk oil through.
The Iraqi Kurds’ Western allies would certainly prefer that they do business with Turkey, and the Turks will demand that Kerkuk remain free of Kurdish rule. The West now also realizes that encouraging the grandiose nationalist dreams of Barzani and his ilk has been a mistake. It has brought Iraq to the brink of a new dissolution.
The Kurds have done very well, and bless them for it, but they remain a fractious bunch. They should recognize that they’ve just lived the best 10 years of their divided history since the days of Pax Ottomanica, and they should step away from the edge. They should look around and note that virtually no state in the world with control of oil gets a good night’s sleep. Literacy, educated women, hard work, free enterprise and transparent institutions are better than oil, especially if they want continued support from Western countries invested in Iraq’s stability. The Kurds don’t need to dominate and manipulate other ethnic groups, and they don’t need to be surrounded by enemies. The last thing they need is control of Kerkuk.
Tags: Iraqi Turkmen Front, Kurdish violence against Turkmens
28 تموز 2009
(( 28 تموز يوم الإرادة للشعب التركماني ))
توافدت الأحزاب و التشكيلات و المنظمات و الشخصيات التركمانية إلى رئاسة الجبهة التركمانية العراقية صباح يوم 28 تموز 2009 و وقفوا معا في الساعة العاشرة و سبعة دقائق أي في الوقت الذي تمت فيه مهاجمة رئاسة الجبهة التركمانية العراقية
و مؤسسات تركمانية أخرى
كانت وقفة تؤكد وحدة التركمان بجميع أحزابهم و تشكيلاتهم حين يكون الأمر مرتبطا بالتمسك بالأرض و الحقوق و الإرادة التي أظهرتها الجبهة التركمانية العراقية بإعادة اعمار مقر رئاستها بصورة أبهى مما كانت عليها و بخطوة أظهرت الفرق بين البناء
و على قاعة الشهيد نجدت قوجاق في رئاسة الجبهة التركمانية العراقية رحب الدكتور سعد الدين أركيج رئيس الجبهة التركمانية العراقية و عضو مجلس النواب بالحاضرين مذكرا بان في مثل هذا اليوم من عام 2008 قامت مجموعة مجردة من الإنسانية و الحضارة و الثقافة و بدعم و مساندة بعض الأطراف المعروفة باعتداء آثم على بيت جميع التركمان ألا و هو الجبهة التركمانية العراقية و بعض المؤسسات التركمانية، و باعتقادنا أن من قام بهذا الفعل الجبان إنما عبر عن عدم إنسانيته و ارتكب جريمة مبيتة و بنيات سيئة تخجل منها الإنسانية ، متخذين من التفجير الذي حدث قرب المحافظة ذريعة واهية للبدء بجريمتهم رغم أن التركمان قد استنكروا التفجير
و أضاف الدكتور أركيج: صحيح أن في يوم28 تموز 2008 تعرضنا إلى خسائر مادية لكننا حصلنا على نصر معنوي كبير تمثل في بيان مدى خوف الغوغائيين و من يساندهم ومدى رعبهم من الشعب التركماني و إن مثل هذه العمليات الجبانة لا تخدم السلام و المحبة و الإخوة
و دعا السيد رئيس الجبهة جميع أبناء الشعب التركماني إلى التوحد و تفعيل المصالحة و الحب داخلنا و إظهار مدى محبتنا بيننا ، حيث لا احد يحب التركمان مثلما يحب بعضنا البعض، و إن في مثل هذه الأوقات نحن أحوج ما نكون لان نضع أيادينا في أيادي بعضنا البعض و نحتضن إخواننا و نلتف حول قضيتنا المصيرية
ثم خاطب أركيج الشباب التركماني قائلا
انتم أيها الشباب عماد مستقبلنا و عليكم التفاني في أداء واجباتكم القومية على الساحة و في الأحزاب السياسية الحقيقية ، و نحن بحاجة قصوى إلى شبابنا الآن و في المستقبل و نريد أن نراهم مجتمعين و ندعمهم لان قوتنا هي من قوة شبابنا
إن على أحزابنا و تشكيلاتنا أن يدركوا أهمية الشباب بشكل حقيقي لأنهم الأساس الذي سيبنى عليه مستقبل التركمان
وقال السيد رئيس الجبهة
إن يوم 28 تموز هو يوم الإرادة عند التركمان، و لا نريد لأي واحد أن ينزف قطرة دم واحدة لكننا لن نكون لقمة سائغة في أفواه الطامعين
و في ختام حديثه أكد الدكتور اركيج ، إن الحق دوما يأتي مع أصحابه و من يمتلك الحق يمتلك القوة و الاحترام مشيرا إلى أن قوتنا في وحدتنا و لا ننتظر من احد أن يمنحنا أي شيء فكل حقوقنا سننتزعها و لن نضعف أمام جميع التحديات مهما كبرت فنحن أحفاد أولئك الرجال العظام الذين أتحفوا العالم بالحضارة و النور و هذه أرضنا
وهي أمانة في رقابنا و يجب المحافظة عليها و الواجب الأكبر يقع على الشباب في الحفاظ على الشعب و الأرض
هذا و القى السادة جمال شان رئيس الحزب الوطني التركماني و السيد محمد قيردار نائب الأمين العام لحزب القرار التركماني و السيد فلاح زيدان رئيس تجمع القوميين التركمان و المهندس ياسين حميد رئيس المجلس الاستشاري التركماني كلمات أكدوا فيها انه بالرغم من الغضب و الألم الذي تسبب به ما ارتكبه الغوغائيين ضد المؤسسات التركمانية إلا انه في الوقت نفسه برهن على إن لا خلافات حقيقية بين التركمان الذين وقفوا معا ضد ما حدث
و ألقت كذلك عضوة مجلس محافظة كركوك زالة نفطجي و السيد محمد عمر قازانجي رئيس نادي الاخاء التركماني كلمتين عبروا فيه عن الدلالة الكبيرة ليوم 28 تموز في اثبات ارادة التركمان العالية
و حضر التجمع عدد من أعضاء الهيئة التنفيذية للجبهة التركمانية العراقية و أعضاء من الكتلة التركمانية في مجلسي محافظة و قضاء كركوك و الأحزاب و التشكيلات السياسية و منظمات المجتمع المدني و شخصيات تركمانية
Proportional Representation Dispute in Iraq: Parliament Adjourns without Adopting an Election Law for 2010July 29, 2009 at 7:42 am | Posted in Turkmens | Leave a comment
Tags: Election law Iraq, Electoral system Iraq, Iraqi Parliament
By Reidar Visser (www.historiae.org)
28 July 2009
Instead of culminating in the grand finale that some had expected after a one-month extension, the first term of the Iraqi parliament in 2009 simply fizzled out. Yesterday, the national assembly adjourned even a couple of days before it was supposed to, and it is now not expected to reconvene until 8 September at the earliest, and possibly not until after Ramadan ends, on 19 September.
The list of unfinished business is as long as ever, but one item has a particular urgency, in theory at least: the adoption of the election system that will govern next year’s parliamentary elections, now scheduled for 16 January 2010. Whereas the previous election law of 2005 may still be used in case everything else should fail, there appears to be a strong desire, at least among the Iraqi public and the opposition parties, to do something about the electoral system in order that the elections results may better reflect public opinion. Many thought the provincial elections law used for the January 2009 elections was a step in the right direction, but the huge proportion of “wasted votes” in those elections (i.e. votes that were cast for candidates that did not obtain representation) means that the issue of system reform has remained on the agenda.
Tags: Elections in the north of Iraq, Peshmerga, Vote rigging in Kurdish elections
A member of the security force in Duhok told Rudaw correspondent Diyar Salih that he voted five times yesterday. He had to vote for the Kurdistani List. “Each time I was threatened that my salary would be stopped if I did not vote. And this while I had already cast my vote on Thursday.”
zondag 26 juli 2009 14:45
Duhok, 26 juli 2009 – De berichten dat vooral in Hewler en Duhok er sprake was van veel verkiezingsschendingen lijkt steeds aannemelijker. Een lid van de veiligheidskrachten in Duhok vertelde Rudaw-correspondent Diyar Salih dat hij gisteren maar liefst vijf keer had gestemd.
Volgens de Peshmerga in kwestie kunnen burgers moeilijk naar binnen en is een paspoort of identiteitskaart altijd vereist om een stemkantoor in te gaan. Maar voor veiligheidstroepen ligt dat anders. “Ik heb gisteren vijf keer gestemd. Ik moest op de Koerdistanlijst. Telkens werd mij gevraagd of ik opnieuw een stem wilde uitbrengen, op straffe van het stopzetten van mijn salaris. En dat terwijl ik donderdag al had gestemd,” zo zei de Koerdische militair, die zijn naam niet bekend wilde maken.
Tags: Duhok, Erbil, Gorran, IHEC, Independent Electoral Commission, Voting fraud in Kurdish elections
Kurdistani list denies fraud allegations
By Wladimir van Wilgenburg
The Service and Reformation List (Four Party List) and the Change List (Gorran) accuse the Kurdistani List in involvement of fraud in Erbil and Duhok. The Kurdistani list denies the allegations. According to the Kurdish opposition there was especially fraud in Erbil when the IHEC extended the voting with one hour from 18.00 pm till 19.00 for technical problems with names and the hot weather.
The Kurdish opposition list says the Kurdistani List let unregistered people vote several times and pushed out observers of the opposition from some polling stations in Duhok and Erbil. On IUK.org, the website of the Islamic Union of Kurdistan (IUK), a press declaration of the Four Party list said that there was massive voting fraud. “Everybody in Kurdistan knows what happened”. IUK manager in Erbil, Saeed Abdullah, said that they reported violations in Erbil and Duhok to the IHEC.
Both lists also complain that the Iraqi Independent Electoral Commission (IHEC) is not neutral in their observer status and influenced by the Kurdistan Democratic Party lead by Massoud Barzani and part of the Kurdistani list. Gorran manager in Zakho Idris Sheranshi said in a statement on his blog that Gorran has filed hundreds of complaints and also claimed IHEC officials were involved in fraud.
Continue Reading Elections in the North of Iraq: Kurdistani List accused of fraud…